Draw Media
News / Kurdistan

 Air and Ground Attacks on Zap Area Have Started

Draw Media The HPG said in a statement on Monday the Turkish military bombarded the Zap region heavily and tried to raid the Brindaran cave in Zap but were blocked by the HPG forces. The group said eight Turkish soldiers were killed in the operation on Monday. The Turkish military did not provide information on casualties but the defense minister said the operation was "continuing successfully as planned,” according to Anadolu Agency. People’s Defense Forces (HPG) also mentioned that “The occupying Turkish army has been carrying out intense ground and aerial attacks against Medya Defense Zones for months. The Turkish offensive escalated in the Avaşîn and Zap regions, especially between April 14 and 17.  A new invasion attack was launched by the Turkish army in the Avaşin and Zap regions on the evening of April 17.” The PKK media also published that on the same day of the KRG prime minister's visit, Masrour Barzani, to meet with Turkey’s president Rajab Taib Erdogan and the director of Turkey’s National Intelligence Agency (MİT) Hakan Fidan, Turkey launched a large-scale attack on zap, Matina, Avashin and Kurazharo areas, however today Turkey officially announced the start of the operation.  On March 26, (Komalên Jinên Kurdistanê), KJK warned that the KDP and the State of Turkey had planned to launch a new attack on PKK guerrillas on April 15, and demanded that everyone have a role to prevent the conspiracy.   

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The KRG exported oil in the first quarter of 2022

Draw Media In the first quarter of 2022, the KRG sold more than 36 million and 400 thousand barrels of oil through the Jayhan port to six different countries. After selling each barrel for $ 11 less than the international market, the value of the KRG oil was more than $ 3 billion and $ 200 million. 56 percent of that which, is $ 1 billion and $ 800 million went to the production costs, and only 44 percent of the revenue returned to the KRG which is one billion and 400 million dollars.   First: exporting the Kurdistan region's oil in the first quarter of 2022 From the beginning of 2022 to the end of March of the same year, the KRG exported 36 million and 460 thousand barrels of oil through the Kurdistan region's oil pipeline. The daily average of oil exported was 405,177 barrels. In January 2022, KRG exported 414,839 barrels of oil per day, totaling 12 million and 860 thousand barrels per month. In February, KRG exported 407,143 barrels of oil per day, totaling 11 million 400 thousand barrels per month. Meanwhile, in March, the KRG exported 12 million and 200 thousand barrels of oil, an average of 393,548 barrels per day.   Second, the price of the region's sold oil in the world markets The average price of Brent crude oil was more than $ 117 in March. For the three months, The average price of Brent crude oil was more than 100 dollars. According to Deloitte's reports in 2021, the KRG has sold its oil for less than $ 11-12 on average. In January 2022, when the average oil price was recorded at $86.51, if the KRG sold oil for less than $11 per barrel, the KRG oil price would be only $75.51 per barrel for that month. But in February, the average oil price rose to $97.13, so the KRG sold its oil for $86.13 While a significant rise was recorded in March and oil prices reached an average of $117.7, the KRG sold each barrel of oil for more than $106.   Third: the Kurdistan region's oil revenues and expenditures in the first quarter of 2022 As we mentioned earlier, the KRG exported 36 million and 460 thousand barrels of oil in the first quarter of 2022, on average, each barrel of oil sold for about $90, While the average price of a barrel of oil was more than $100, the total revenue earned by selling oil through the pipelines was 3 billion, 254 million, and 680 thousand dollars. In January, total oil revenues were $971 million and $58 thousand. In February, total oil revenues were $981 million and $822 thousand. In March, the highest income came from oil sales, compared to the month and even previous years, which were one billion, 301 million, and 740 thousand US dollars.   According to Deloitte’s latest reports to audit the Kurdistan Region's oil process in 2021, 56% of oil revenues go to the process expenditures, so the total revenue spent during the first quarter of 2022 on the oil process was $1 billion, 822 million, 621 thousand and 136 US dollars. The total revenue left for the KRG during the first quarter of 2022 is one billion, 432 million, 59 thousand, and 464 US dollars.   Fourth: the Kurdistan region's oil customers in the first quarter of 2022 The region's oil was loaded by six different country ships in the first quarter of 2022, the Italian ships loading the region's highest oil from the Turkish port of Jayhan at a rate of 37 percent. After that, the Greek ships loaded the region's oil with 27%, followed by the Israelis (15%), Croatians (7%), Spanish (4%), and Romanians with 2%.  

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The “Full Barzani”: How Diplomatic Meetings with the Barzani Family Are Shaping Iraqi Kurdish Politics

by Winthrop Rodgers For high-ranking officials visiting the capital of Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, there is a well-established expectation that they will meet separately with three political figures from the same family and party: Masoud, Nechirvan, and Masrour Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). This ritual reveals some of the dynamics at play regarding domestic politics and diplomatic practices in the Kurdistan Region in Iraq (KRI) and the country writ large. However outside officials themselves might see it, this protocol reinforces top-down family rule in the KRI and principally serves the KDP’s own political interests. Domestic instances can also be important signals when tea-leaf reading on the government formation underway in Iraq. For foreign diplomats, it is an unwritten but strongly understood rule that visiting heads of government, cabinet ministers, and ambassadors will request to meet with KDP leader Masoud Barzani, Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani, and Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Prime Minister Masrour Barzani during trips through Erbil, sometimes just a few hours total after a more lengthy visit to Baghdad. These meetings reflect how power is kept close within the family in the KRI: Masoud is Masrour’s father and Nechirvan’s uncle, making the latter two first cousins. Nechirvan is Masrour’s direct predecessor as prime minister and successor to Masoud as president. In a nod to the U.S. political concept of the “Full Ginsburg,” I have dubbed the protocol exhibition of meeting all three politicians in one go the “Full Barzani.” It’s quite a regular occurrence; I’ve documented at least 31 instances of this phenomenon since April 12–approximately one every eleven days. Moreover, this list is non-exhaustive and only includes instances that are publicly acknowledged by the KRG on social media or KDP-affiliated media channels. Private and sensitive meetings are obviously not included, and the KRG and KDP are selective about what meetings with what countries they choose to reveal and highlight. The occasions for the meetings vary; some are one-off affairs, like when Swedish Foreign Minister Ann Linde came through Erbil last November during an Iraq trip, or courtesy calls for new or departing ambassadors, such as the arrival tour for France’s new ambassador to Iraq Eric Chevallier in September. Other officials repeat this cycle regularly, like UN Special Representative for Iraq Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert or US Ambassador Matthew Tueller, who has pulled a “Full Barzani” at least nine times since February 2020. Foreign visitors from all corners engage in this practice. Former UK Ambassador Stephen Hickey did a “full Barzani” at least five times during his tenure, highlighting the UK government’s apparent desire for close ties with the KDP. Russian Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs Mikhail Bogdanov completed a set in December, during which Prime Minister Masrour Barzani “reaffirmed the historic friendship between our peoples and more cooperation.” Then Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif did a "Full Barzani" last April. German, Australian, Saudi, Canadian, Italian, and European Union officials have completed their own in the past year, while numerous others have met with two out of three Barzanis. Still more engage with all three over a longer period of time. Pope Francis managed the rare feat of getting all three Barzanis in the same room together during his historic visit in March 2021, an exception to the usual protocol dictating separate meetings for each. For diplomats, the meetings are arranged through the KRG’s Department of Foreign Relations and the offices of the three men. Failure to make a request to meet with all “Three B’s,” as they are colloquially known, would raise question marks and be perceived as a slight by the KDP. Even so, the arrangement is a highly unusual one. While the KRI has some powers to engage with foreign governments outlined in Article 121 of the Iraqi constitution, it is uncommon for such narrow, personal, and partisan protocol arrangements to exist for diplomats at a sub-national level or to be so rigorously expected. Visitors can get angry tellings-off from KRG officials if they deviate from the KDP-approved programming. Domestically, Iraqi government and party officials also engage in the practice. For instance, Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi met all three Barzanis following the Erbil missile attack in March. Iraqi President Barham Salih has had at least two rounds since last April, including one in November as he sought reelection in the face of a KDP challenge. Other visits yield their significance in retrospect: notably, Sadrist official Nassar al-Rubaiee’s “Full Barzani” last June  prefaced the attempt to form a “national majority government” between the Sadrists, KDP, and Sunni blocs following the federal elections in October. With government formation ongoing, it is worthwhile to keep an eye on who pays call on the KDP leadership in Erbil. Of course, the KDP is hardly the only political party in the Kurdistan Region. KRG Deputy Prime Minister Qubad Talabani of the Sulaymaniyah-based Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) is occasionally included in meetings with the prime minister, while his brother—PUK leader Bafel Talabani—might get his own face-to-face with visitors. Nevertheless, the KDP is by far the biggest game in town during official meetings in Erbil. Spare a thought also for the KRI’s opposition parties or independents, for whom there is little time or attention amid a packed schedule of Barzani meetings. One must be content to imagine what officials and diplomats might gain from a more diverse range of perspectives and contacts. There are likewise no women represented in the top ranks of the KDP, so their voices are effectively excluded from these high-level discussions—which ought to include the dangerous rise in femicides in the KRI. It is also worth reflecting on what this practice means for the state of the KDP itself. The act of meeting separately with each Barzani is reflective of the KDP’s tribal, patriarchal, and factional character and serves as a way of balancing egos. In the internal hierarchy of the party, Masoud ranks highest while his son and nephew defer to him during combined affairs. Meeting Masrour or Nechirvan by themselves allows them to speak in service of their own political interests. However, there are also extreme political and personal differences within the KDP bubbling beneath the surface and at play in the insistence on separation. A particularly combustible rivalry is developing between Nechirvan and Masrour (the latter backed by Masoud), which has the potential to explode at a future date. The pettiness of this factionalism was ludicrously on display at this year’s Munich Security Conference, when Masrour and Nechirvan led separate delegations and even met some of the same people in different meetings. While tracking “Full Barzani” meetings may also be instructive for casual political analysis, the substantive impact of this insistence on separate meetings is more insidious. It is clear that KDP’s purpose in enforcing this protocol is to reinforce a perception about the Barzani family’s centrality in Kurdish and Iraqi politics to the exclusion of all others. Moreover, these meetings help strengthen the power of Masoud, Nechirvan, and Masrour both within the party and in the broader political field. Officials who acquiesce to this arrangement are legitimizing and playing into these implicit messages, even if this is not their intent. Ask many ordinary citizens in the KRI to describe their political leaders—both KDP and PUK—and they will call them “mafias.” Anti-democratic signals are flashing bright red: voter turnout is down; young people and middle-class families are leaving in droves for Europe; journalists and activists are arrested and jailed on trumped up charges; the KRG is not paying public servants. It is up to outside officials to decide how to manage those dynamics and perceptions about how they engage with the Kurdistan Region’s political leadership: whether it is business as usual or time for a new approach

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PUK hands over gas to Baghdad

Draw Media: The PUK is reviving a secret agreement with the Baghdad government, which wants to hand over the gas within its territory to the Iraqi government and export it through Baghdad. For that, the PUK wants to deal directly with Baghdad, not through Erbil. More details in this report.   Sulaymaniyah gas to Baghdad According to information obtained from informed sources, the PUK wants to hand over its gas to Baghdad and show the Sulaymaniyah administration's compliance with the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court's decision. This comes at a time when the PUK participated in the last KRG delegation negotiations with the Iraqi ministry of oil, and the delegation rejected the Iraqi government's requests for handing over oil and gas and does not want to abide by the Decision of the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court without the approval of the oil and gas law in Iraq. Draw Media has learned that PUK wants to sign an agreement with the Iraqi government to hand over gas in exchange for that, Petrodollars will be provided for Chamchamal as an energy production zone, and Sulaymaniyah would be dealt with directly by Iraq, not through the regional government, which the PDK has controlled. Masrour Barzani's government insists to export Kurdistan Region's gas through Turkey, which is operated by the Kar Company. The company is owned by Sheikh Baz and has recently been targeted by Iranian missile attacks in Erbil.   "let Iraq export gas to Turkey" Earlier this February, Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) President Nechirvan Barzani arrived in Ankara in a sudden visit, where President Recep Tayyip Erdogan asked him to export KRG gas to Turkey. Following Nechirvan Barzani's visit to Turkey, the Kurdistan Region came under pressure.  Turkey’s demand for the KRG gas comes after the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war. Turkey and Europe import most of their natural gas from Russia, fearing a halt to Russian gas exports, so they are looking for new sources of energy. At a time when Western countries are gradually imposing sanctions on Russia and blocking the property of Russian officials, Bafel Talabani, the co-president of the PUK, has recently strengthened his relations with Russia and has met twice with the Russian ambassador to Baghdad. Iran, which itself is a major exporter of natural gas to Turkey, is concerned about the export of the Kurdistan Region's gas to Turkey. The PUK, which has set its policy within the framework of Iran's strategy, does not want to be under pressure from Tehran because of gas exports to Turkey. According to Draw's information, two senior officials of the PUK recently visited Turkey and notified the country's top officials, that “the PUK does not have a problem with the fact that gas is given to Turkey, but they want Iraq to give gas to the country, not directly by the regional government."   An old agreement in a new cover According to draw's investigations, in mid-2020, the PUK secretly negotiated with the government of Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi on the oil and gas dossier, and Iraqi President Barham Salih was aware of the details of the talks. In 2020, the PUK complained that they did not have financial authority and the government was not conducting the affairs of the Sulaymaniyah administration as necessary. According to Draw Media information, in 2020, the PUK signed an agreement with the Iraqi Ministry of Oil, and according to the agreement, both sides decided to build a company called the Sulaymaniyah Energy Company, which has decided to hand over all oil and gas fields to the company.   The company's shares are divided as follows: 40% of the company's shares will be for Sulaymaniyah governorate 40% of the company's shares will be for the Iraqi government %20 of the shares will be for the Kurdistan Regional Government The main goal of this agreement was to deal with the Iraqi government directly, not through the regional government in Erbil, particularly on the issue of salaries. In addition to salaries and financial transactions, the PUK wanted to raise oil production from 45,000 barrels per day to at least 72,000 barrels of oil through the joint company with the Iraqi government. Those who were aware of the agreement said that PUK had received US approval, but a project like this is a matter of concern for Iran, especially if Iraq's needs for gas will be filled and the Baghdad government no longer needs to buy Iranian gas.   Gas in the Kurdistan Region According to the official website of the Ministry of Natural Resources, the Kurdistan Region has 200 trillion cubic feet (5.7 trillion cubic meters) of natural gas reserves, 3 percent of the world's gas reserves. But this is an unproven reserve, as the region's proven natural gas reserves are only 25 trillion cubic feet, according to U.S. energy reports. The natural gas of Kor Mor field in Chamchamal, which operates by UAE's Dangas company, now produces 430 million cubic feet per day, which is filled the local needs, which are 750 tons per day and 300 tones are exported abroad, and according to the information, part of it goes to Afghanistan. The natural gas reserves of the Kurdistan Region are mostly in the areas which are under the control of the PUK. The division of natural gas reserves between the areas under the control of PUK and PDK is as follow: Reserves of the area under the authority of the PUK • KorMoR: 8 trillion and 200 billion cubic feet Chamchamal: 4 trillion and 400 billion cubic feet • Miran: 3 trillion and 46 billion cubic feet • Palkana: A trillion and 600 billion cubic feet   The reserve of the area under the control of KDP • Bna Bawe: 7 trillion and 100 billion cubic feet • Khormala: 2 trillion and 260 billion cubic meters • Shekhan: 900 billion cubic feet • Pirmam: 880 billion cubic feet

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KDP Boycotts Rudaw Channel

Draw Media The PDK is warning members of the political bureau and the leadership council to boycott Nechirvan Barzani's "Rudaw channel, " saying that the Rudaw channel is working against the Kurdistan Region’s interest” and previously, Masrour Barzani banned the Rudaw channel from KDP ministers. Banning Nechirvan Barzani's Rudaw channel in the government and the party has sparked controversy within the KDP. At the behest of Masoud Barzani, the party's president, and at the request of Masrour Barzani, all members of the political bureau and the leadership council in (Erbil- Sulaimaniyah, Halabja- Kirkuk- Garmian), been warned not to interview the Rudaw Channel. The order was issued on April 7, 2022, which has mentioned that “recently Rudaw TV channel has been failing to follow the principles of national security and stirs up some topics that are not in the interest of the Kurdistan Region, therefore, friends should avoid interviewing Rudaw TV until the channel reviewing its behaviors." According to Draw’s information, since December last year, the KDP ministers have been banned from speaking to Rudaw Channel by order of Masrour Barzani, the president of the Kurdistan Regional Government. Nechirvan Barzani, the president of the Kurdistan region and the owner of the Rudaw channel, is worried about the decisions of Masoud Barzani and Masrour Barzani. Since the establishment of the Rudaw channel, Nechirvan Barzani has been under pressure from His Uncle Masoud Barzani several times, because, unlike the official KDP media, Rudaw allows passing the opinion of a part of KDP's political enemies and this has sparked protests. Because the channel's financial sources are coming from the KDP, the party calling for interference in the management of the channel.  

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"Baghdad for KRG: “No Time Left for Agreement, Hand Over the Oil

Draw Media The KRG delegation returned to Erbil, they heard the voices of Baghdad officials. Unlike in the past, Iraqi oil officials told the regional government delegation that there was nothing left in the name of negotiating and agreeing on the region's oil issue. Now is the time for negotiations and discussions on how to hand over the oil. "There is a federal court decision that does not carry interpretations, so we cannot discuss the region's oil case, we can only discuss with you how to hand over oil," they told the regional government delegation. The KRG has to open a special bank account for oil revenues. “Baghdad should be aware of all oil revenues and know-how that income is spent and where it goes.” According to Draw’s information, the Kurdistan Regional Government is making every effort to prevent oil from being delivered to Baghdad, and sending the delegation is only to get Baghdad officials' attention on how to deal with the region's oil. A source from the Kurdistan Regional Government's delegation told Draw that Iraqi oil ministry officials were speaking much differently, unwilling to discuss any agreement. They just wanted to say that the region should be preparing to hand over the oil process, “the agreement on the oil issue is not a subject to discuss, the federal court had brought the issue to an end.” In a statement, the Ministry of Oil talked about the discussions: 🔹 All oil contracts in the region will be reviewed. 🔹 opening a bank account from an international bank for the region's oil revenues  🔹 Transfer oil contracts from the region's ministry of natural resources to the Iraqi oil ministry and the company we intend to build. 🔹 Transfer the second side of the contract from the regional government to the Iraqi ministry of oil.

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Iran offers an initiative for the KDP

Draw Media Iran has promised the PDK, to solve the Iraqi Supreme Court's decision regarding the region's oil and gas, if the KDP pulls out from Sadr's alliance. An Iranian delegation led by former Iranian ambassador to Iraq Hassan Danai Fard visited the Kurdistan region and met with Masoud Barzani, the KDP’s president, Bafel Talabani, co-president of the PUK, and Shaswar Abdulwahid, the NGM president. According to draw investigations, the Iranian delegation has taken an initiative to resolve the dispute between the PUK and KDP in the process of forming a government in Iraq. According to information, the Iranian delegation has asked the PUK and KDP to reach an agreement on the post of President of the Republic. Based on the initiative Barham Salih would not take back the post, in return, give privilege to the KDP to fill all the ministerial posts of the Kurdish share in Baghdad. The Iranians have promised the KDP that if they reach an agreement on the post of President of the Republic and the formation of a new Iraqi government, they will resolve or cancel the February 15 decision of the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court to hand over the region's oil, an informed source told Draw. Iran's efforts are to create a new cabinet in Iraq without Muqtada al-Sadr, but the government will be formed by the parties within the coordination framework, the KDP and PUK will both participate in the government, meaning the PKD will withdraw from the Sadr's alliance. Draw Media has known that the KDP has not yet agreed to Iran's proposals. Iran's delegation, apart from the PUK and KDP, has also met with the new generation movement. Muqtada al-Sadr, the first winner of the election, has given the Coordination Framework parties the opportunity to form a new government after Ramadan.

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The KRG's oil in the last three March(s)

Draw Media The Kurdistan Region's oil revenues have changed significantly between March 2020-2021, and 2022, in a way that; The KRG has only about 138 million and 663 thousand US dollars left in March 2020, but in March 2021, it reached 287 million, 284 thousand US dollars, and increased by 80 percent in March 2022 compared to March 2020, exceeding 573 million, 704,560 US dollars. March 2020 In March 2020, the KRG exported 15 million barrels of oil for $22.01, according to which the region's oil value was 330 million and 150 thousand dollars. After excluding the expenses, the income remained for the KRG in March 2020 was only 138 million and 663 thousand US dollars.  March 2021 The KRG exported 12 million barrels of oil in March 2021, a decrease of 3 million barrels from the region's oil exports compared to the same month a year before. The region's average oil price was 54.41 US dollars, according to which the amount of oil the Kurdistan region exported was 652 million and 920 thousand US dollars. After excluding the expenses, the remaining income for the KRG in March 2021 was 287 million, 284 thousand US dollars. March 2022 The KRG exported about 12 million 220 thousand barrels of oil in March 2022. The region's average oil price that month was 106.41 US dollars, according to which the amount of oil the Kurdistan region exported was 1 billion, 303 million, and 874 thousand US dollars, and the revenue left for the KRG in March 2022 was 573 million, 704 thousand, and 560 US dollars.   

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A Member of Barzanis Family Collected $1.2 Million Bribe from Ericsson company

Swedish-based Ericsson allegedly paid ‘tens of millions of dollars to ISIS to continue doing business in Iraq, according to a leaked investigation Telecom giant Ericsson sought permission from the terrorist group known as the Islamic State to work in an ISIS-controlled city and paid to smuggle equipment into ISIS areas on a route known as the “Speedway,” according to a leaked internal investigation report obtained by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists. The report reveals that the Swedish-based firm made tens of millions of dollars in suspicious payments over nearly a decade to sustain its business in Iraq, financing slush funds, trips abroad for defense officials and payoffs through middlemen to corporate executives and possibly terrorists. The internal investigation describes a pattern of bribery and corruption so widespread, and company oversight so weak, that millions of dollars in payments couldn’t be accounted for – all while Ericsson worked to maintain and expand vital cellular networks in one of the most corrupt countries in the world. The review, which has not been made public, covers the years 2011 to 2019. Ericsson’s business in Iraq relied on politically connected fixers and unvetted subcontractors. It was marked by sham contracts, inflated invoices, falsified financial statements and payments to “consultants” with nebulous job descriptions. In one instance, a member of a powerful Kurdish family, the Barzanis, collected $1.2 million for “facilitation to the chairman” of a mobile phone operator — also a Barzani, the report says. Most of the corrupt conduct came after Ericsson, a key actor in the West’s battle with China over the future of global communications, acknowledged in 2013 that it was cooperating with U.S. authorities investigating bribery allegations elsewhere. The U.S. probe resulted in a $1 billion bribery settlement in 2019 with the U.S. Justice Department and the Securities and Exchange Commission.  The settlement does not mention Iraq. ICIJ shared the leaked records with The Washington Post, SVT in Sweden and 28 other media partners in 22 countries as part of a project known as the Ericsson List. ICIJ and its partners verified the records’ authenticity and spent months examining other documents and interviewing ex-employees, government officials, contractors and other industry insiders in Iraq, London, Washington, Jordan, Lebanon and elsewhere. The leaked documents include 73 pages of a 79-page report on Ericsson’s Iraq business, including summaries of 28 witness interviews and 22.5 million emails. ICIJ and partnering news organizations sent detailed questions to Ericsson about the secret internal review. Instead of answering, Ericsson issued a public statement on Feb. 15 acknowledging “corruption-related misconduct” in Iraq and possible payments to ISIS. Ericsson CEO Börje Ekholm also granted interviews to news outlets not in possession of the leaked documents. He said that Ericsson may have made illicit payments, but that the company had often struggled to identify the final beneficiary...  

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The KRG income for March (One billion and 291 million dollars)

Anwar Karim The total income of the Kurdistan Regional Government in March is (One billion and 291 million dollars). The Kurdistan Region has sold 12 million and 219 thousand barrels of oil through the Turkish Port of Jayhan in March. The average oil price for that month was 106 dollars and the region's oil revenues are (one billion and 291 million dollars). In which 723 million dollars for spending and (568 million) dollars left for the government.   summary Non-oil income • The region's non-oil revenues for March = (164 billion) dinars, which are spent on salaries. • Coalition assistance for Peshmerga forces = (31 billion 500 million) dinars • Region's share of Iraq's budget = (200 billion) dinars   Oil revenues (pipeline export)   • The Kurdistan Region exported 12 million and 219 thousand barrels of oil through the Turkish port of Jayhan in March 2022. • The average price of Brent oil for March is $ 117.7 • Because the region sells its oil for $12 less than the world market, that means the KRG average oil price is $105.7. So: (12 million and 219 thousand) barrels X (105.7) dollars = (1 billion, 291 million, 548 thousand and 300) dollars. In dinars: (1 billion, 291 million, 548 thousand and 300) dollars X (1450) dinars = (1 trillion 872 billion, 745 million and 35 thousand) dinars. • According to Deloitte's latest report, 56% of oil revenues will go to the production costs, and44% will remain for the Ministry of Natural Resources. - So: (1 billion, 291 million, 548 thousand and 300) dollars X (56%) = (723 million, 267 thousand and 48) dollars go to the cost of the oil production process. In dinars: (723 million, 267 thousand and 48) dollars X (1450) dinars = (1trillion, 48 billion, 737 million and 219 thousand and 600) dinars for oil expenditure. - (1 billion, 291 million, 548 thousand and 300) dollars X (44%) = (568 million, 281 thousand and 252) dollars of income remains for the government.   Total income in March 2022 (dinar) • (824 billion, 7 million, 815 thousand, and 400) oil revenues + (200 billion) the region's share of Iraq's budget + (164 billion) The region's non-oil revenues + (31 billion 500 million) • Coalition assistance for Peshmerga forces = (1 trillion, 219 billion, 507 million and 815 thousand and 400) dinars.

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Sadr contacts Bafel Talabani

Draw Media Muqtada al-Sadr has contacted Bafel Talabani twice today and has made two suggestions for the presidential candidate, Bafel Talabani has rejected the first proposal, and the PUK's political bureau has rejected the second proposal. The official PUK media reported that Bafel Jalal Talabani had a phone call from Muqtada al-Sadr, the leader of the Sadr movement, discussing important political issues related to the situation in Iraq, forming a new government, and overcoming problems and mechanisms of getting rid of Iraq's political deadlock. A member of the PUK's political bureau told Draw media: Today Muqtada Al-Sadr contacted Bafel Talabani twice: At the first Phone call, Muqtada al-Sadr has suggested withdrawing The presidential candidate, Barham Salih, for the KDP’s candidate, in return for the ministerial posts of Kurdish shares. Bafel Talabani rejected this proposal. Sadr then contacted him and asked to withdraw both the PUK and KDP candidates and have a joint candidate, which is approved by Masoud Barzani. Bafel Talabani said he will discuss the suggestion with his political bureau. Today, at 2:00 p.m., the PUK's political bureau in a meeting rejected the second proposal too. All parties are now waiting for Wednesday's parliamentary meeting, in which is expected that the legal quorum would not be met and the president of the republic will not be elected.

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The KRG oil and gas will be given to KROC

Draw Media In light of the federal court's decision, the Iraqi oil ministry has issued a letter calling for the creation of a company to manage the Kurdistan Oil and Gas, which will belong to the central government, named KROC, and its headquarters would be in Erbil. According to a letter sent by the Iraqi ministry of oil to the Kurdistan Regional Government on March 24, the regional government has been asked to: 🔹 Within 15 days, hand over a copy of all the contracts he has signed since 2004 with oil and gas companies in the field of oil (discovery, development, transportation, sale, export), along with record sales and exports of crude and gas oil, for: 🔸 A team of experts and advisers from the Iraqi oil ministry in the presence of the regional government's authorized representative review all the documents. 🔸 Adapting Kurdistan’s contracts and coordinating them to Iraqi law and the decision of the Supreme Federal Court of Iraq. 🔹 Submitting a request to the Council of Ministers to create an oil company, To be given the authority to manage all the oil and gas activities in those fields that have been contracted by the Kurdistan Regional Government. 🔸 All the rights and obligations of the agreements and contracts made by the regional government will be transferred to its name. 🔸 creating more investment in oil resources through: reducing investment expenditures, better management of oil and gas fields, and increasing exports. 🔹 The Iraqi ministry of oil proposes that the company that manages the region's oil and gas case be named KROC and be under the supervision of the Iraqi Financial Supervisory Board and that the company be owned by the federal government and headquartered in Erbil. 🔹 An expert employee, whose rank is no less than that of the general manager, is in coordination with the Council of Ministers, the Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank of Iraq to open an account at one of the most trusted international banks, and to put all the exports and sales of Oil and Gas in Kurdistan into this bank account. It will be paid on the basis of the region's share of Iraq's public budget, as well as in an arrangement with the Iraqi Ministry of Finance, provided that this is done within 45 days of the agreement to issue the letter (with the approval of the Council of Ministers). 🔹 All the procedures set out in this article as a new policy for the future and all relevant parties will be responsible for their adherence.

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Turkish military planning mid-April operation into southern Iraqi Kurdistan

Draw Media The Turkish military is planning an operation into southern Iraqi Kurdistan in mid-April, the Kurdish Fırat news agency (ANF) reported on Sunday, citing sources in the region. The incursion by the Turkish Armed Forces will take place with the “active participation” of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) in Iraq, ANF said, the predominant party in Iraqi Kurdistan's western Erbil and Duhok provinces that's a Turkish ally. According to the information, on April 15, 2022, the Turkish army will launch an invasion of HPG guerrilla bases in the Kani Masi area of Duhok province. Turkey regularly launches airstrikes into northern Iraq, where the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) has several bases, including its main headquarters in the Qandil mountains.

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A project to amend the election law

Draw Media A project has been prepared to amend the Kurdistan Parliamentary Election Law, which has been signed by the PUK, KIU, KJG, New Generation Movement, and two parliamentarians of the Change Movement.  This is the eighth amendment to The Kurdistan Parliament's 1992 Law No. 1, which is scheduled to be presented to the Kurdistan Parliament today, according to Darw Media information. Presenting this project by the PUK, KIU and KJG is at a time when the PUK and KDP disagree on the election process, specifically about the amendment of the election law and the fate of the election commission and the referendum. Fate of the Commission Regarding the fate of the Electoral Commission, the four-party project calls for the Kurdistan Commission to remain the same, which means rejecting the idea of appointing judges in the place of commissioners or handing over elections to the Iraqi commission. But the remaining region's commission, as it is, is not yet without problems. The New Generation is demanding a share of the commission, KIU and KJ are opposed to change their shares in the commission. The Kurdistan Regional Government’s High Elections and Referendum Commission established before the establishment of the new generation movement. This Commission has so far carried out only one task which is conducting the independence referendum in 2017. The commission has now expired, and parliament has not been able to resolve the commission's legitimacy due to disagreements between the parties. Multi-Circular Election One of the articles of the election law, which the three parties have presented in their project, is Article 9 of the Law, which calls to divide the Kurdistan Region to four election circles. This means each governorate (Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, Duhok, Halabja) would be a circle of elections. That is the leading point that the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) opposes and demands that the election system be the same as before. The PUK and other parties believe that if, like the last Iraqi parliamentary election, a multi-circle approach is followed in the Kurdistan Region, the KDP will no longer be able to control the majority of the Kurdistan Parliament. Independent Candidates The amendment calls that the candidates from outside political parties, similar to Baghdad, to be allowed to run independently, requiring anyone who wants to participate independently to present a list of 1,000 voters to the commission as support for his/her candidacy. ­­The Fate of the Quota System Ethnic and religious minorities have played a significant role in the long history of Kurdistan. At an official level, their political position was significantly strengthened with the advent of autonomy for the Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq in 1992. Most importantly, a quota system was established that reserved seats for several minority groups in the Kurdistan Parliament, often cited as an example of tolerance for diversity and respect for minority rights.  One of the points of disagreement between the PUK and The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) is the issue of the quota system, which has been allocated 11 seats in the Kurdistan Parliament. In most of our political issues in parliament, they support The Kurdistan Democratic Party's policies, which have led the PUK and other parties to demand for changing the quota system. In the project signed by the PUK, KIU, KJG and the New Generation Movement, it has been requested that the 11 seats to be distributed to the electoral circles as follow: • Turkmen: 5 Seats (3 for Erbil circle, 2 for Sulaymaniyah circle) • Christians: 5 (1 for Erbil, 2 for Duhok, 2 for Sulaymaniyah) • Armenian: 1 for Duhok This proposal is rejected by the KDP. Will elections be made? The Kurdistan Regional Government, KRG, has set October 1 of this year for the sixth round of parliamentary elections, but time has passed and the parties have not yet reached an agreement on the elections, at a time when the commission needs at least six months to run the election. In any case, the election is not expected to take place on time. The KDP wants to hold PUK and other parties accountable for the delay in the election, and the other parties also want to hold KDP accountable by presenting this project.

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Turkey's Grip in the Oil Process Of the Kurdistan Region

Draw Media Turkish oil companies work in the Kurdistan region's 8 oil fields in a way that the Genel Energy company has a share in these oil blocks: Tawke (25%), Bir Bahr (40%), Duhok (40%), Bna Bawe (44%), Taqtaq (44%), Miran (75%), Chia Surkh (60%). While Petoil company has a 20% share in the fields of Chia Surkh and Palkana. This is despite 75 percent of Kurdistan's oil pipeline passing through Turkish territory and being owned by the Turkish energy company. Most of the money for selling Kurdistan's oil goes through filters from Turkish banks and then goes back to the KRG. The importance of the KRG's oil and energy to Turkey The Kurdistan Region has a unique position in turkey's current situation from many perspectives. Without Kurdistan's natural resources, Turkey cannot continue to thrive, without the Controlled Market of Kurdistan, turkey's economy will be in crisis. Without contact with the region, the unemployment problem in the Kurdish areas would increase and the PKK would be more active. Without relations with the Kurdistan region, Turkey will be deprived of Iraq's oil and its future would be more difficult when its hands off the region's oil and gas pipelines. Turkey's need for oil and gas Turkey has undergone major economic growth between 2002 and 2017, making it the 13th largest economy in the world. According to the OECD data, Turkey ranks first in terms of energy needs for the economy to continue to grow. It must be provided continuously and without interruption to the sectors that provide economic growth. Oil production in the Kurdistan region Since 2006, the Kurdistan Region of Iraq has been rapidly conducting search and inspection activities due to contracts with oil companies, with a total of 10 oil wells, 8 of which have had positive results. Gulf Keystone Petroleum company, in the Shekhan fields near the Turkish border, has found a wide area of oil, which is estimated to be between 12 to 15 billion barrels of oil. 45 billion barrels of oil have been found in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, according to statistics from the KRG's Ministry of Natural Resources, and with the oil have founded in the Shekhan area is expected to be 60-65 billion barrels of oil. Turkey's grip in the region's oil process First: The region's oil pipeline in Turkey The KRG exports about 450,000 barrels of oil abroad daily, all through the Kurdistan Oil Pipeline, which passes through Turkish territory. The Kurdistan Region's oil pipeline is 896 kilometers long, starting at the Kurdistan Region's border at the Khurmalawa field and reaching 221 kilometers by Fishkhabur, according to which 24.6 percent of the oil pipeline is on the Kurdistan Region's border, owned by both Kar Group and Rosneft, a Russian company. The part of the Turkish border is owned by the Turkish energy company and operates by Turkish company Botas. Its 675 kilometers from Fishkhabur to the Turkish port of Jayhan, forms (74.6 percent) of the pipeline's length. Second: Turkish companies in the oil fields of the Kurdistan region Two major Turkish energy companies work in the Kurdistan Region, Both Genal Energy and Petoil currently have contracts and shares with the KRG in several oil fields in the Kurdistan Region. Third: Oil money and Halkbank The KRG's oil money will be transferred to the KRG's private account of Turkish banks. In 2015, the Kurdistan Regional Government's Council of Ministers decided in a letter no. 983: All oil exports and sales revenues must be transferred directly to the KRG's account at the Halkbank in Turkey without the mediation of the Third Bank. The KRG's decision shows the fact that the total amount of oil sales in the Kurdistan Region is being collected in Turkey, and the Central Iraqi Government has pressured turkey on this issue several times, but the process has remained the same.  

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