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'You don’t solve issues by running away,' says Iraq's KRG PM

Masrour Barzani, in an exclusive interview with Al-Monitor, discusses the dispute with the rival PUK party; relations with the US and Iraq; China; and the KRG’s ambitious economic reform and climate policies.  Masrour Barzani, prime minister of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq (KRG), says that political and economic disputes should be resolved within the KRG Council of Ministers, not by Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) ministers boycotting the government.  “I hope they will eventually come back to the government,” said Barzani, who is a deputy president of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), in an exclusive and wide-ranging interview with Al-Monitor at his office in Salahuddin.  “They [the PUK ministers] have sworn an oath before the parliament, before the people of Kurdistan,” he said. “You don’t solve issues by running away, by not shouldering responsibility.” The KDP and the PUK, as well as the Gorran (Change) Party, form a coalition government in the Kurdistan Region.  The KDP holds 45 seats in the Kurdistan Regional parliament; the PUK holds 21, and Gorran 12 in the 111 seat chamber. The PUK has boycotted KRG Council of Ministers meetings since October 2022. The real reason for the impasse, said Barzani, is the murder of Hawker Abdullah Rasoul, a former PUK intelligence officer, in Erbil last year. “The PUK has not been cooperative,” in the case, he noted, and to shift focus away from the assassination, “they are exaggerating other problems, like financial and power-sharing issues. These have always existed.” “Rather than mixing all the issues together, they need to focus on solving the political and financial issues through the Council of Ministers and let the courts and legal system handle the murder case,” he added. “I have officially asked the PUK, during the Cabinet of Ministers meetings, to return to the government,” said Barzani.  “So, I hope they come back to the government and discuss whatever concerns they have.  We can solve any issues through dialogue in the council’s meetings. There is no other way.”  'Nothing should be at the expense of delaying elections' The schism has a sense of urgency because parliamentary elections, which had been scheduled for last year, have been postponed, a delay which could, over time, undercut the legality of KRG political institutions, as the prime minister’s father, KDP President Masoud Barzani, told  Al-Monitor in an exclusive interview earlier this week. “For all political parties, whatever their problems are, they have to look at different ways of settling their issues, but nothing should be at the expense of delaying the elections,” the prime minister said. “The elections must happen this year.”   The US should take credit for the Kurdistan Region’s success The Kurdistan Region has been a close partner of the United States before, during, and after, the US war to overthrow former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. Barzani’s personal and professional ties with the United States run deep. He is an honors graduate of the American University in Washington, where he established the Barzani Scholar-in-Residence program. As general director of the Protection and Intelligence Agency, and later as chancellor of the Kurdistan Region Security Council, overseeing security, military intelligence and existing intelligence services, he worked closely with American counterparts in the fight against terrorism, including and especially the Islamic State (IS) after 2014. “We want better relations, more engagement, more investment. The Kurds and the US share common values and principles. We are a natural ally and hoped for more support,” Barzani said, speaking about current ties with the United States. “The US should be promoting and take credit for all the success of the Kurdistan Region due to their direct and positive engagement,” he noted. “The Kurdistan Region should be used as an example of the positive role that the US can play in the region. Without their direct engagement over the past 30 years, we would not have all you see today. It’s an economic success story.” “The US did a great job liberating Iraq from tyranny and the brutal dictatorship,” he said. “But  over the years, the influence of US engagement has declined. In its absence, other actors have filled the vacuum, which has not been helpful.”  “We want the US to consider Kurdistan as a strong, credible ally, and recognize us as a friend that shares the same values and principles,” said Barzani. “We are regularly paying a heavy price for that friendship. We need more support: politically, economically and security.” “There are great opportunities in the Kurdistan Region for more US investment,” he added.  “We are rich in natural resources and human resources. Potential for growth is beneficial to both the Kurdish people and US companies.”  'China is looking at the entire Middle East' Regarding the China-brokered Saudi-Iranian agreement, Barzani said that “any initiative to ease tensions in the region is welcomed. We support any initiatives to bring peace and dialogue to resolve issues.” “China is looking at the entire Middle East, and expanding their influence in many countries in the region. Their proposals and their promises to deliver is very tempting. Here [in the Kurdistan Region], they have made some proposals and there are some discussions about doing some projects.” 'Positive atmosphere' in talks with Baghdad Barzani noted a “positive atmosphere” regarding talks that led this week to the Iraq Council of Ministers submitting a budget to the Federal Council of Representatives, or parliament, which includes a 12.6% allocation for the Kurdistan Region. “There has been great improvement on the budget negotiations,” said Barzani. “It’s not exactly what we wanted, but I think it's a workable budget.” Iraq had been operating without a budget since 2021, and under an emergency food security law since last year.   ‘The whole country will benefit from it,” said Barzani. “We have already expressed our support to this budget. I hope that parliament will pass it as is. This will be the beginning of a much more constructive relationship, not only between the KRG and Baghdad, but also between Baghdad and other provinces, and to start a new economic revitalization.” Barzani noted that the "positive atmosphere” in the budget talks could facilitate progress toward a long elusive national oil law, noting that many of the problems of the past were “politically motivated.” “There were some drafts in the past, but they were never passed by the parliament,” he said. For Barzani and the KRG, the key is that a national hydrocarbon law reflects the Kurdistan Region’s rights in the Iraqi Constitution.  “We have said many times that we will work with the federal government to implement the constitution as written. The hydrocarbon law must be consistent with the Kurdistan Region's rights in the constitution,” said Barzani. “Preserving our rights will be our priority. I think there is a way forward to find a solution that’s workable for both Baghdad and Erbil.” 'You have to deal with the root causes of terrorism' Barzani said that the security situation in the Kurdistan Region, and throughout Iraq, “is better than before, and that’s a good step. Cooperation is important.” Iraq had been ravaged by terrorist groups following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, where al-Qaeda took hold and later IS overran more than half the country in 2014. Barzani cited “a much better relationship” between Iraqi Kurdish and federal Iraqi security forces, including joint operations against IS, for improvement in security.  He also said that the threat of terrorism in Iraq and elsewhere remains. “You have to deal with the root causes of terrorism,” said Barzani, “and unfortunately, I think those have not been properly addressed.” Those root causes include poverty, injustice and inequality. People need proper government services and a decent life, Barzani explained.  “If the government provides for its people, cares for its people, listens to its people, engages with its people, there is less tendency for people to collaborate with terrorist organizations,” he said. “You also have to fight the ideology of terrorists by introducing a more moderate ideology that gives people incentives and hope for a brighter future.”  “Otherwise this will be a never ending cycle,” Barzani added. An aggressive reform agenda “My Cabinet has embarked on an ambitious and aggressive reform program and creating more transparency in government spending, procurement and banking,” said Barzani.  “We are diversifying our economy, focusing on expanding our agricultural products, industry and tourism. We are reforming our education and health sectors, and digitalizing government services for our citizens. We have built a state-of-the-art data center, connecting all the projects electronically in a short period of time. We want to be a fully digital government by 2025,” he said. As a sign of this diversification, the Kurdistan Region has expanded agricultural exports. The #Hanar project is sending organic Kurdish pomegranates abroad, which arrived in the Gulf this month. These are the first ever agricultural exports from the Kurdistan Region. Kurdish pomegranates, for which Kurdistan is famous, are now available in four new markets via some of the biggest retailers in the region, opening up new trade opportunities in the Gulf, and creating hundreds of jobs in the Kurdistan Region. The KRG plans to expand this initiative to export other agricultural products including honey, apples and grapes in the near future.     A sign of the KRG’s digitization initiative is an electronic payment system for government employees to be completed in two years. Another project is to engage more banks that meet standards for both the US Treasury Department and the Central Bank of Iraq to transform a cash economy to a more transparent electronic banking system. In addition, the KRG has instituted an online visa system and electronic accounts and records for all public and private schools, to be easily accessed by parents.  Taking action on climate change Climate change is also central to KRG economic, energy and foreign investment strategy. “We realize the impact of climate change on our region, and we are taking action,” said Barzani. “In Kurdistan, we have done so much that many people don’t know about. It’s an important story to share.” “We are investing in hydropower, clean energy and solar energy. We are looking at alternative energy, not just fossil fuels,” he noted. Barzani discussed plans to build small, medium and relatively large dams to better manage and preserve river waters.   “I think engagement in this field, helping us build this infrastructure, build dams to preserve our water resources, will  eventually pay off in the long run,” he said. The Kurdistan Region is also ahead of the curve on captured flared gas, a major polluter and contributor to climate change. “We are the first place in Iraq to capture flared gas. Rather than continue to waste it, we want to transform into energy," said Barzani. “And we have a very aggressive program, talking to all the International Oil Companies and other partners about reducing flared gas emissions.”  

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'No pretext to delay' Iraqi Kurdistan parliament elections, says Masoud Barzani

In an exclusive interview with Al-Monitor at his headquarters in Salahuddin, in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, Masoud Barzani, president of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), saw no reason to further delay Kurdistan's parliamentary elections, and expressed hope that a "positive atmosphere" surrounding recent talks between the Iraqi and Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) on the budget could be conducive for talks on a long elusive oil law. “I wouldn’t say the budget decision is 100% to our liking, but I believe it is a positive step forward,” said Barzani, who served as president of the Kurdistan Region from 2005 to 2017.  The legendary Kurdish leader also discussed relations with the United States; the China-brokered agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia; relations with Iran; the Arab rapprochement with Syria; and the situation of Kurdish communities in Iraq and throughout the region.  Barzani’s influence remains hugely impactful in both Kurdish and federal Iraqi politics. The KDP is the dominant party in Iraqi Kurdistan, holding 45 seats in the Kurdistan Regional parliament. The rival Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) holds 21, with other, smaller parties filling out the remaining seats in the 111-member chamber.  The KDP is also a member of the Coalition Framework, the political alliance that forms the current Iraqi government.  The KDP holds 31 seats in Iraq's Council of Representatives, or parliament, the third-largest bloc in the 329-member body behind the Iraqi Sunni Progress party (Takadum) (39 seats) and the State of Law Coalition of Shiite parties (38 seats). 'Positive atmosphere' on budget could be conducive for oil talks   On Monday, Iraq’s Council of Ministers approved a budget bill for 2023-25, which is now referred to the Iraqi Council of Representatives for ratification.   Iraq had been operating without a budget since 2021, and under an emergency food security law since last year.   The Kurdistan Region’s share of the Iraqi budget under the proposed legislation is 12.6%, according to Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who met with Barzani in Salahuddin on Tuesday.  “This issue has been used unjustly against the Kurdistan Region in the past,” said Barzani, referring to a long-standing dispute over what percentage of Iraqi government revenues would be allotted to the Kurdistan Region.  “I wouldn’t say the budget decision is 100% to our liking, but I believe it is a positive step forward," he said.  Barzani was hopeful that a "positive atmosphere" surrounding the budget talks could possibly mean good news for a long elusive oil law.  “Since 2007, the Kurdistan Regional Government has been ready to have that law legislated in parliament,” he said. “Successive governments in Baghdad have until now been backtracking on that, and it hasn’t yet reached a conclusion. But with the current positive atmosphere, I believe this will be conducive to passage of [the oil law] and other pending legislative issues.”  'No pretext to delay' Kurdistan parliamentary elections   The tensions between the KDP and the PUK includes a stalemate on elections for a new parliament, which were supposed to have taken place last year.    “An election is a must,” said Barzani, “it has to take place, there is no other choice, otherwise the government institutions will lose their legality.”  Barzani said he was hopeful following a meeting between the parties in the parliament on Monday to discuss the issue.    “There is no other choice, and there is no pretext or reason to delay,” said Barzani. “If any political party wants to create obstacles to elections, they will be isolating themselves. Elections will take place.”   US priorities change, but region still viewed with importance  Barzani noted that current US priorities may have changed, with China and Ukraine at the top of the national security agenda, but “that doesn’t mean the US is taking things lightly” in Iraq and the Middle East. “You can’t compare current conditions to those of previous eras,” said Barzani, “but the US still views the region with importance.”  The Kurdish leader noted that US Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin — "a good friend of ours” — visited Iraq last week.  Austin, said Barzani, “emphasized that the US is attaching importance to the region and continuing relations and contacts with the players,” adding that “the threat of ISIS [Islamic State] is a continuous one.”  China-brokered Iran-Saudi agreement welcome  Barzani welcomed the agreement brokered by China between Iran and Saudi Arabia, saying, “Naturally we would like to see an end to tension between regional states. Iran and Saudi Arabia are two important countries in the region.” “Maybe it’s too early to pass judgment, and to say much on it, but at least any efforts to reduce tension is welcome,” said Barzani. Regarding China’s role, Barzani said, “They have been working quietly to fill some of the gaps that are being left behind.” “Hopefully the agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia is a sign that Iran is moving away from the language of intimidation and threat, and toward dialogue and diplomacy, to accommodate the views of others and to settle issues through common understanding,” Barzani said.  Kurdistan region not part of 'score settling' with Iran  Asked about the Iranian missile attacks on the Kurdistan Region last year, Barzani said, “[They] were totally unjustified, and the accusations were baseless.” Iran accused the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, and the Government of Iraq, of not preventing armed Iranian Kurdish opposition groups from launching attacks in Iran during the protests following the death in custody of Mahsa Amini for a hijab violation in September 2022. “Some of the institutions in Iran — in order to cover their own failures in the country — were trying to find an external scapegoat,” said Barzani. “Iran is a neighbor, we do not want to have any tension with them, and we want to have as normal relations as possible,” he added.  “We are not part of the skirmishes or settling scores [with Iran],” said Barzani. “We cannot allow our territory to be a base to threaten the security of our neighbors.” Syria needs end to cycle of violence  Barzani welcomed the steps by Arab states to reengage Syria.  “Since 2011, Syria has witnessed a chaotic situation, with killings, displacement, refugees and mass destruction,” said Barzani. "But there hasn’t been any indication of what may come next,” referring to efforts and hopes for regime change for the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.  “Who’s going to be the alternative?” asked Barzani. “There are no clear answers, and no clarity in policies, for the future of Syria.”  With the Arab rapprochement, “there could be some stability to the country and at least end the cycle of violence and return to a degree of normality,” he said. States need to recognize Kurdish rights and identities  Barzani reflected on the situation of the Kurdish people not just in Iraq, but throughout the region.  “The Kurds are one nation, that has to be said,” noted Barzani, who is the son of Mullah Mustafa Barzani, widely revered as the primary political and military leader of the Kurdish movement until his death in 1979.  Barzani recounted how the Western powers, after World War I, gave and then retracted self-determination to the Kurds, with the Kurdish people ending up divided among a number of states.  “There has been continuous oppression and injustice against the Kurds,” Barzani added, “leading to killings, wars and conflict. But the Kurds managed to survive.” “The lesson should be, for oppressive governments, that there will be no solution through oppression and violence,” said Barzani. “The answer instead lies in pragmatism, finding common ground and using nonviolent means.”  The experience of the Kurds in Iraq, where the Kurdistan Region is an autonomous government within the state, may not apply directly to other states, Barzani observed.  “Each Kurdish region has its characteristics, status and circumstances within the countries they live,” added Barzani. “We therefore cannot say that the model in Iraq can be a template, or blueprint for Kurds in Syria, Turkey and Iran. Solutions have to be found in those countries.”    “All of the states should move away from the policies of oppression, suppression and denial, and the Kurdish groups or movements should not take to violence,” the Iraqi Kurdish leader said. “There has to be common ground for dialogue to find a solution so that the Kurds in those countries can enjoy their democratic rights and identities.”  

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Netherlands Ambassador to Iraq visited Draw Media

Draw Media The Ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherland, Hans Sandee and a team of the Netherlands Embassy visited Draw Media. The Ambassador of the Netherland said: “I was very pleased to visit Draw Media Organization today to discuss the issue of freedom of expression and the role of independent media.” Regarding the election in the Kurdistan region The Ambassador said, “It’s important that the general elections will take place, if it takes place, it's only one thing that definitely I can encourage”.

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British Ambassador and British Consul General visited Draw Media

Draw Media British Ambassador to Iraq, Mark Bryson-Richardson, British Consul General, in Erbil, Rosy Cave, and the British Consulate team visited Draw Media. In an interview with Draw Media, the British Ambassador said: “It’s been an honor on arriving in Sulaymaniyah to come straight here to Draw media organization to hear about the valuable work you do”. Regarding the negotiations between the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad, he said the important thing is that there is progress in the negotiations and both sides are still continuing their talks. The British Ambassador also discussed the current negotiations between the Kurdish parties about the Kurdistan elections and he said: “We have made it clear that the election is a crucial part of democracy and we have been following the conversation closely about that.” The British ambassador added that, “Some agreements have been reached, so I am hoping to see elections will take place soon.”

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The quota seats…Point of Election Conflict

Draw Media Religious and ethnic minorities quota seats have become the main problem facing the parties for the sixth session of the Kurdistan Parliament. Some are in favor of distributing the quota seats among the provinces. Others believe that the minorities’ representation in Parliament do not express their opinions and are monopolized by the political parties. The total number of votes obtained by the minorities in the first round of the Kurdistan parliamentary elections was (11 thousand 971) votes. In the last parliamentary elections, their total votes increased to 23 thousand 165 votes. The share of the minorities in the Kurdistan Parliament is one of the points of contention between the political parties and some call it the "The Knotty Spot of the elections." Some parties believe that the quota seats are monopolized by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and in parliament, the representatives of the minorities decide in their interests. Therefore, some parties are in favor of dividing the quota seats among the constituencies, so that a Turkmen seat for Kfri district and a Christian seat for Sulaymaniyah province. In Iraq, 2.3% of the seats in the House of Representatives are reserved for some communities. But others have not been given any political opportunities. In the Kurdistan Region, 10% of the seats in parliament are allocated to the communities. These figures do not fully reflect the rights of minorities, since the voices of minorities are rising from time to time, they say that those appointed in parliament do not represent the communities. This is despite the fact that the Yazidis and Kakais, who are largely residents of the Kurdistan Region, have no representation in the Kurdistan Parliament. According to Article 36 of the Kurdistan Parliamentary Election Law No.1 of 1992, amended: First, five seats will be allocated to the Chaldeans, Syrians and Assyrians. Second, five seats will be allocated to the Turkmen. Third, one seat will be allocated to Armenians.   Now the main point of disagreement between the political parties, especially the PUK, the opposition and the independents Now the main point of disagreement between the political parties, especially the PUK, the opposition and the independents against the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) is the distribution of community seats and voter registration for communities.

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Kurdistan gas and diversification

On the journey from Dubai to Erbil by plane and Dohuk by road for the MEPS Forum, the energy, environmental, and economic challenges of Iraq and the Kurdistan region are written in the landscape. Gas flares around Basra, Kirkuk, and Dohuk mark the site of major oil fields. Harnessing that natural gas productively is the first step to a cleaner and more diversified national economy. The participants at the MEPS Forum discussion on energy included students from the American University of Kurdistan in Dohuk and elsewhere in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), and from the rest of the country. They were keenly interested in the role of oil and gas in their national economy, the implications for the future of Iraq, and the “resource curse.” Without revisiting the extensive literature on the “resource curse,” its reality, and manifestations, it is undeniable that Iraq displays several of the classic signs associated with high dependence on petroleum exports. Oil makes up 99% of Iraq’s exports. The government sector is heavily overstaffed, often in patronage-based and unproductive roles; corruption, rent-seeking, and the ethno-sectarian and partisan allocation of political and civil service positions are endemic. A truly independent private sector barely exists. Non-oil activities, such as agriculture and industry, have been neglected. At the same time, sectors that in some petro-states are well-funded and effective, such as electricity, public education, and health care, are also in very poor shape. Kurdistan Prime Minister Masrour Barzani, interviewed at the MEPS Forum by Karen Young, senior research scholar at Columbia’s Center on Global Energy Policy, recognized these problems: “Iraq and Kurdistan Region shouldn't only rely on oil and gas.” He pointed to diversification in agriculture, tourism, and other sectors. The KRI already attracts a reasonable level of tourism from the rest of Iraq and from Iran. Iraq faces other problems that are not caused by its petroleum dependence, but which its ineffective government struggles to solve: a legacy of violent conflict and insurgency, the lack of a state monopoly over paramilitary groups, interference and intervention by its neighbors (mostly Iran, but also Turkey), water shortages, and land degradation. The KRI is in many ways better off than the rest of Iraq, with better infrastructure and greater safety and security. Nevertheless, it displays many of these symptoms in microcosm. It suffers from several other problems beyond those of Iraq as a whole. It does not have its own currency and cannot issue sovereign debt. As a landlocked entity, it is dependent on problematic neighbors — war-torn Syria, sanctioned Iran, federal Iraq, and Turkey — for imports and exports. The legality of its own hydrocarbon sector and exports have been a topic of debate and dispute ever since the ratification of the 2005 constitution. In February 2022, the federal Supreme Court, in a ruling widely seen as politicized, declared that the Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) own oil and gas law of 2007 was unconstitutional. Apart from the KRG’s own oil sales — which are under episodic legal pressure from Baghdad — it relies on transfers from the federal budget, which are often late or entirely absent, unpredictable in size, and subject to political wrangling. It has 1.3 million public servants from a population of about 6.3 million. It has accumulated debts variously quoted at $17-31 billion, to public employees in unpaid salaries, oil traders and producers, electricity companies, Iraqi banks, and others. Mr. Barzani remarked that the KRG was assembling a team to go to Baghdad and “settle all outstanding issues” with the new federal government formed in October. He complained of “illegal actions” taken by the government, and said they should work together to write a new national hydrocarbon law, which has been a perennial sore point since a draft in May 2007, followed by two further drafts in 2011, none of which were ever approved. The KRI is also damaged by an increasingly deep and bitter division between the two leading parties — the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) based in Erbil in the north, to which Mr. Barzani belongs and which dominates the government and the oil sector, and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) in Sulaymaniyah in the south of the KRI. Most of the KRI’s major gas fields are located in areas controlled by the PUK. Although the two parties have exercised a fairly constructive duopoly over the KRG since 2003, and worked together to promote Kurdish interests in the federal authorities in Baghdad, their relationship has deteriorated as the PUK has gradually declined in power and influence. Regional elections due in October 2022 have been delayed for a year, and activists and observers complain of a worsening situation for democracy and independent media. The issue of diversification is difficult but urgent, given increasingly tight global climate policies, the advances of non-fossil technologies, and the limited lifespan of the KRI’s oil resources. Iraq as a whole has a ratio of oil reserves to production of almost 100 years, and could make substantial new finds with additional exploration. It will be one of the world’s leading oil producers out to mid-century and beyond, when the world is supposed to be nearing net-zero greenhouse gas emissions to meet its climate goals. But within this, the KRI produces about 400,000-450,000 barrels per day of oil, that is, about a tenth of the national total. Its fields are smaller and more geologically challenging than those in southern Iraq and there have been almost no sizeable discoveries in recent years. It is therefore faced much more imminently with the challenge of diversifying its economy, exports, and government budget revenues. Using natural gas productively is an essential first step in that diversification. It might sound paradoxical, given that many hydrocarbon-dependent countries group the fossil fuels together, and seek to move into renewables, hydrogen, and other new energy systems. But Iraq is at the stage its Gulf neighbors were in the 1970s; it has to walk before it can run. Iraq produces about 3 billion cubic feet per day of associated gas — the gas dissolved in oil that bubbles out when the oil comes to surface. Only about half of this is captured and used productively, mostly for electricity generation. The rest is burnt off, damaging the health of neighboring communities with air pollution, and releasing the greenhouse gases carbon dioxide and methane. Yet at the same time, Iraq suffers from chronic power deficits and shortages of gas that oblige it to burn oil for power — cutting its export earnings — and to buy expensive and unreliable gas from neighboring Iran. Peak power demand in “federal” (non-KRI) Iraq is estimated at more than 34 gigawatts (GW), but the country struggles to generate more than 20 GW, and much of this disappears in an antiquated grid. Only the KRI produces significant quantities of non-associated gas — that is, gas extracted independently of oil. The Khor Mor field in the south of the region provides gas to power plants and is currently being expanded. Several other major fields have not been developed yet. The KRI does not suffer as badly from flaring as federal Iraq, but several oil fields are still not connected to processing facilities and pipelines. In January 2022, power equipment company Aggreko announced completion of a project to use flared gas from the Sarqala field in southern Kurdistan to generate 165 megawatts (MW) of electricity. The KRI’s priority is to ensure reliable power generation and then the supply of gas to industry. A pipeline is under construction from Erbil to Dohuk that would bring Khor Mor gas to the under-utilized power plant there, which relies on expensive diesel. However, a number of rocket attacks on Khor Mor, probably intended by Iran-linked groups to pressure the Kurds during the period of government formation in Baghdad, and the KDP-PUK dispute, have held up the project. The development of the region’s gas sector has also suffered from long delays in approving field developments, apparently arbitrary regulatory decisions from the Ministry of Natural Resources, lengthy waits for payment to international oil companies, the lack of infrastructure to gather associated gas, and legal disputes with companies such as the Pearl Petroleum consortium (which operates Khor Mor) and Genel Energy (which held the contracts for the large Miran and Bina Bawi gas fields). These fields contain “sour” gas, that is, gas with a high content of toxic, corrosive hydrogen sulfide. The KRG would need to secure a large, technically-skilled partner to play its intended role of processing and selling such gas resources. And at the moment, the region has no systematic gas market, from which companies can buy and sell with transparent prices and conditions. After satisfying domestic demand, the development of Khor Mor and other fields could give the KRI a gas surplus by the mid to late 2020s. This makes it one of the few regions adjacent to Europe that could supply significant additional quantities of gas by pipeline, helping to replace Russian supplies (Algeria, Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean, and Azerbaijan are the others, but all face various constraints when it comes to politics or resource availability). Gas from the KRI could go to federal Iraq, helping ease its chronic gas and power deficit and reliance on Iran; it could fuel the region’s under-utilized power plants and so facilitate electricity sales to federal Iraq; or it could go to Turkey and, via Turkey’s pipeline network, to south-eastern Europe and Italy. Once the Khor Mor-Erbil-Dohuk connection is complete, it is only about another 70 kilometers to the Turkish border, and a short distance beyond to the Turkish gas grid. Exports of about 5 billion cubic meters (bcm) per year by 2030, and ultimately about 15 bcm annually, are feasible. This would be a helpful if not huge contribution compared to the 155 bcm supplied by Russia to Europe last year. At recent crude prices, the KRG earns about $10-12 billion per year from oil exports. It might bring in about $2-4 billion annually from large-scale gas exports, after the cost of pipeline tariffs to get to markets in Turkey and beyond — a useful complement to oil, but not transformational. The gas would be important beyond the immediate financial impact, though. It would create a long-lived revenue stream to help replace an eventual — and perhaps imminent — decline in oil output. The domestic use of gas would build the local economy, offering opportunities in areas such as oil refining, cement, ceramics, glass, food processing, and other local industries. More reliable and cleaner electricity would save government and private funds spent on diesel, and improve business and living conditions. Electricity provision is not just a question of gas: The KRI has potential to rehabilitate its hydroelectric dams, and to install more solar power. And becoming a significant gas supplier to Turkey and Europe would heighten the KRI’s geopolitical importance. Given the legal battles, and an ongoing arbitration case between Baghdad and Turkey over use of the Iraq-Turkey oil pipeline, gas exports would almost certainly require both Erbil-Baghdad and Erbil-Sulaymaniyah accords. Those are very thorny political disputes. Outside mediation by the U.S. and EU is likely essential. Both these governments have internal policy barriers to funding fossil fuel projects, but they should recognize the unique circumstances and strategic importance of the Iraqi-Kurdish gas and power sector.   Robin M. Mills is CEO of Qamar Energy, and author of The Myth of the Oil Crisis.

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KRG oil sales, revenues and expenditures between 2021-2022

The oil process in the Kurdistan region in (2022) compared to (2021), according to Deloitte data: • The amount of oil delivered by pipeline decreased by 5%. • The average price of a barrel of oil delivered to customers through pipelines has increased by 43%. • Oil revenues from pipelines increased by 36%. • The total revenue from the sale of oil in both pipelines and domestic has increased by 36%. • The total oil revenue returned to the region has increased by 44%. • The total oil expenditure of the region has increased by 30%. • The total fees for loading, transportation and expenditure of oil exported from the region (32%) decreased. • The average price of 1 barrel of oil sold in the region through pipelines has increased by 43%. • Cheap oil sales in the Kurdistan Region have increased by 41% for the average barrel of oil sold through pipelines. • Accordingly, the amount of oil sold domestically decreased by 7%. • The total value of crude oil and condensate sold domestically increased by (3%).

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“Tortured him with electricity and inserted Pepsi bottle in his private parts”

Draw Media "Human Rights Organizations and Human Rights Commission in Parliament are silent" They tortured my son for three nights and three days. “tortured him with electricity, and they inserted Pepsi bottle in his private parts”, Mohammed's father told the media in front of the Erbil court. Mohammed's father said, “My son was sentenced to two years and six months in prison on suspicion of joining ISIS.” He added that, "My son is not a Muslim, has never prayed in his life. I will not go to the mosque myself. We are Marxists.” His brother said: “If you torture a 19-year-old child, for three nights and three days, torture him with electricity, insert bottle in his private parts, break his shoulder, how can he not say that he is Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi? Mohammed's father talked about the beginning of the story and said that one day they went to Malekian resort. Then the security director of Topzawa called and asked him to bring his son to testify. Later they handed him over to the anti-terrorism agency.   The lawyer of the Sentenced prisoners, who is also the father of one of the seven youths sentenced, called the decision of the Erbil court unfair and said there was no evidence, but the judge decided on the basis that they wanted to join ISIS. So far, human rights organizations, the Human Rights Commission, the Human Rights Committee of the Parliament, are silent about how the detainees should be treated in this way.    

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British minister of state meets with a group of Kurdish journalists

The British Secretary of State for Middle East Affairs met with a group of journalists and NGO’S in Erbil to discuss freedom of expression and women's issues. Lord Tariq Ahmed, British Minister of State for Middle East, Africa, South Asia and the United Nations affairs at the British Foreign Office with Mark Bryson Richardson, British Ambassador to Iraq and Rosie Cave, British Consul General in the Kurdistan Region met with representatives of the media (Metro, Darw, Paragraf) and representatives of women journalists, listened to the journalists on the situation of freedom of expression and violations against journalists and women.

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The Kurdistan Regional Government owes $3.348 billion to oil companies

Draw Media In (2022) the Kurdistan Regional Government has paid back $ 1 billion and 115 million to the oil companies, which due to falling oil prices and the coronavirus could not be paid on time. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has repaid $331.104 million in loans to the companies in the first three months of last year, including $206.4 million to oil producing companies and $125 million to Turkish Companies. In the second quarter of last year, $422.465 million was repaid to oil companies in the Kurdistan Region, while in the third quarter, $194.220 million was repaid. In the last three months of last year, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has repaid $167 million and 478 thousand debts to oil companies. In addition to repaying the debts of both Turkish energy company and Turkish Petroleum Company The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) repaid $990.267 million to the other oil companies last year. Last year, an average of 9 percent of the oil sales were paid back to previous debts of the companies, which currently (KRG) owes $3.348 billion to oil companies.

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The oil values in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region in 2022

Draw Media Based on Deloitte reports, compared to the data of the Iraqi Ministry of Oil and the measures of SOMO, the value of oil in (Iraq and the Kurdistan Region) and the (KRG oil through SOMO) in 2022 is as follows; 🔹 The average cost of a barrel of oil in the Kurdistan Region was more than (45.93) dollars and in Iraq (13.38) dollars, in other words (54%) of the revenue of every barrel of oil went to the cost of the process and in Iraq only (14%) was the cost of the process. 🔹 If the Kurdistan Region had sold oil at the price and cost of SOMO, then instead of (39.06) dollars per barrel, (82.16) dollars would remain, that is, instead of returning 5 billion and 709 million dollars to the government treasury, (11 billion) dollars would return to the government treasury.   First, compare the oil prices of the Kurdistan Region and Iraq in According to the analysis, the Iraqi government in 2022, through the Iraqi Oil Marketing Company (SOMO) sold an average of $ 95.54 per barrel, the total value of oil sold was (115 billion 466 million 245 thousand) dollars. According to Duraid Abdullah, researcher and expert; “Foreign Oil Companies have 20% share out of 70% of the exported Iraq’s oil. "Iraq spent $16.1 billion last year on oil production," he said. According to this analysis, the return rate of Iraqi oil revenue was 86% and 14% went to the cost of oil processing. In other words, an average of $82.16 per barrel of oil sold returned to the Iraqi treasury and $13.38 was spent per barrel. But that is not true for the Kurdistan Region! According to Deloitte, the Kurdistan Regional Government in 2022, through the Kurdistan oil pipeline, sold an average of $ 84.99 per barrel and the total value of oil sold and delivered to foreign buyers (through the pipeline except domestic) was (12 billion 331 million 417 thousand 848) dollars and (90 million 843 thousand 46) dollars from domestic oil sales, but only (5 billion 709 million 704 thousand 87) dollars were put on revenue and the KRG General Treasury (Ministries of Finance and Natural Resources). Accordingly, the return rate of oil revenue was 46% and 54% went to the expenditure of the oil process. In other words, only $39.06 per barrel of oil sold in the Kurdistan region returned to the general treasury and $45.93 was spent per barrel of oil for the production process.

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Draw Media publishes the KRG proposal and the response of the Iraqi Ministry of Oil regarding the oil and gas law

Draw Media According to a document obtained by (Draw Media), the Legal Office of the Iraqi Oil Ministry on 15/2/2023 have responded to the proposals of the Kurdistan Region regarding the oil and gas law and rejects 10 out of 15 suggestions. The proposals have not been directed to the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) delegation, but instead the legal office has submitted to the Iraqi Oil Ministry. The Iraqi Oil Ministry is against the KRG (selling oil, having its own oil and gas pipelines, having an oil and gas council, and reviving the KRG's oil and gas law after being repealed by the Federal Court). These are the details of the recent discussions between the Kurdistan Regional Government delegation and the central government on how to write the draft of the oil and gas law. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has presented its proposal on the law in 15 points. The central government has rejected 10 points of the KRG's proposals, which is 67% of the proposals.   • Article 111 of the Constitution One of the principles that the Kurdistan Regional Government delegation in the negotiations to prepare the draft law on oil and gas submitted to the Iraqi Ministry of Oil, compliance with Article (111) of the Iraqi Constitution. Article 111 of the constitution states that "oil and gas in all regions and provinces belong to the entire Iraqi people." The Iraqi government agrees with the KRG, because it believes that this article of the constitution defines a good basis for the ownership of oil and gas and does not give any rights to either the central government or the KRG. Grant of permission The KRG has proposed that the issuance of oil licenses should be under the authority of the parties specified in the constitution, while the contracts for the fields  in the Kurdistan region should be under the authority of the region, in accordance with Article 115 of the constitution. The federal government rejects the proposal, saying that the constitution does not give the authority to grant oil exploration and extraction licenses to any party, but in Article 112 writes that the federal government together with the Kurdistan Regional Government will manage the oil and gas extracted from existing fields. Transfer of ownership! The KRG has proposed that the oil and gas law allow for the “transfer of ownership of oil and gas to others at the point of delivery”. The central government disagrees with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) on this proposal, saying that such a provision cannot be included in the oil and gas law, because it is contrary to Article 111 of the constitution. The Iraqi government proposes to leave the regulation of the transfer of oil and gas ownership to the sales contracts signed for this purpose.  Oil and gas policy The KRG has proposed that the Federal Council and the Regional Council for Oil and Gas Affairs take over the preparation of the strategic oil and gas policy. The central government opposes the KRG's proposal, saying it is unconstitutional and could open the door to the creation of councils in oil-producing provinces. Oil and gas policy The KRG has proposed that the Federal Council and the Regional Council for Oil and Gas Affairs take over the preparation of the strategic oil and gas policy. The central government is against the KRG's proposal, saying that “This proposal is unconstitutional and could open the door to the creation of councils in oil-producing provinces,". In addition, it will lead to a plurality of stakeholders responsible for setting the overall oil and gas strategy. Who should sell oil? The KRG has proposed that the region have its own marketing company and deposit crude oil revenues into an international account under the control of the region and the revenues from the sale of oil from the federal government into another account. The central government has rejected the proposal, saying it is contrary to the law regulating the Ministry of Oil and the rules of the oil marketing company. "The proposal also contradicts the provisions of the Financial Administration Law and the Federal Budget Law, which state that all revenues from the sale of crude oil must be deposited in an account opened for this purpose.

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Shock survey reflects frustration with ruling parties among Iraqi Kurds

Amwaj Media The story: Rising economic and political dissatisfaction in Iraqi Kurdistan is bolstering an apparent belief that devolved rule under the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) only benefits the ruling elite, rather than the broader population. While this dynamic may not pose an immediate threat to the political dominance of either party, it could undermine the legitimacy and effectiveness of their rule. It is also dangerous for the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in the context of its ongoing disputes with the federal government over the budget, oil, and the disputed areas. The coverage: A new opinion poll conducted by Erbil-based research firm Sheekar Research shows that just over half of respondents believe they’d be better off if the KRG was dissolved and central authority from Baghdad reasserted. •             On its face, the seemingly prevalent sentiment is surprising given the decades-long struggle for Kurdish autonomy in Iraq and the horrors under the previous Baathist regime. It would also be a profound shift from just six years ago, when 92.73% of participants in the Kurdistan region’s 2017 independence referendum cast ballots in favor of seceding from Iraq. •             The survey polled 1,000 people between Jan. 27-28 from across Iraqi Kurdistan using a weighted sample to reflect local demographics. It was conducted using online survey app Prsyar, which randomly selects respondents from a database of 80,000 pre-registered, Kurdish-speaking users to fit a desired sample profile. Respondents were also asked about how they view recent decisions by the federal supreme court against the KRG. Last February, the court ruled that Iraqi Kurdistan’s oil and gas law was unconstitutional, throwing its contracts with international oil companies into legal jeopardy. More recently, the top court on Jan. 25 found that budget transfers arranged between former Iraqi premier Mustafa Al-Kadhimi (2020-22) and KRG Prime Minister Masrour Barzani were illegal. •             A plurality of survey respondents (46%) saw the court’s decisions as “illegal” and “issued against” Iraqi Kurdistan. Yet, most respondents either supported (10%) or felt neutral (42%) about the rulings because they felt the court was primarily punishing the KDP and the PUK. •             The survey also asked about who is to blame for the KRG’s apparent weakness in Baghdad. A fifth of respondents (21%) said the KDP and the PUK were responsible, while a further 47% blamed all Kurdish parties—including the ruling duopoly and opposition groups. One-third of respondents were unsure. The survey results were published by independent outlet Draw Media and then picked up by social media accounts, sparking fierce discussion online. •             Kurdish nationalists denounced the opinion poll with one KRG official pointing to the result of the 2017 independence referendum as a counterpoint. The context/analysis: While the sentiments against devolved rule have shocked many observers, they mainly appear to reflect intense popular frustration with the governance of the KDP and the PUK. Such attitudes should therefore be read as a clear call for improved devolved governance, rather than pro-Baghdad sentiment. •             The KDP and the PUK have governed Iraqi Kurdistan since 1992. Though the semi-autonomous zone is generally more developed than much of the rest of Iraq, wealth is concentrated in the hands of a small elite connected with the ruling parties. •             Since 2014, Iraqi Kurdistan has faced significant economic upheaval caused by periods of low oil prices, the war against the Islamic State group (IS), and budget disputes with Baghdad. Austerity measures have involved cuts to public sector salaries, which the KRG occasionally fails to pay on time. Corruption and lack of investment have furthermore inhibited the development of the private sector. •             According to Sheekar Research, its respondents include a high proportion of government workers, reflecting the public sector’s outsized importance in the economy. Concerns about whether the KRG can pay salaries and a view that Baghdad is more reliable in this regard have likely been reflected in the poll results. Public frustration with the Kurdish ruling parties runs deep, driven by growing economic inequality, poor access to public services, and lack of opportunities to register dissent. •             The KDP and the PUK are increasingly restricting freedom of expression and cracking down on the ability of residents to organize protests. •             Planned elections for the regional parliament last year were scrapped after the KDP and the PUK were unable to agree on a new electoral law. It is unclear whether they will be able to pass legislation in time for the delayed polls to be held in the autumn. •             Iraqi Kurds continue to migrate to Europe at high levels, despite the dangers inherent in that journey. Of further note, public opinion surveys are rare in Iraqi Kurdistan. Narratives about events are often shaped by elite actors to suit their own purposes and spread by partisan media outlets. As a result, seemingly unvarnished public opinion data can come as a surprise to observers, making it all the more valuable. The future: Within Iraqi Kurdistan, the political dominance of the KDP and the PUK remains unchallenged, but public opinion appears to become hard set against the duopoly. This trajectory will likely become intensified by continued economic difficulties. •             The seemingly fading support for the status quo could prove fertile ground for new political opposition factions or social movements, including Islamist groups. •             Rising public discontent could also hamper the ruling Kurdish parties’ ability to rally support for the KRG amid a drive by some players in Baghdad to centralize power through court decisions. Continued squabbling between the KDP and the PUK amid underwhelming governance could additionally impact support for Iraqi Kurdistan by foreign partners, which has been important to its development and economic well-being.  

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Iraqi Kurdistan Suspends Oil Exports Through Turkey After earthquake

The KRG said it was suspending oil exports through Turkey as a precaution after a deadly earthquake rocked its northern neighbor and Syria before dawn on Monday. "Due to the earthquake that hit Turkey and Syria, and to ensure the safety of oil exports and prevent any undesirable incidents, oil exports through the pipeline connecting the Kurdistan region to Turkey have been suspended," the Kurdish ministry of natural resources said in a statement. The Kurdistan regional government usually exports around 450,000 barrels of oil a day through Turkey. It has continued to pump oil out of the country despite the federal authorities demanding a halt to the trade. "The Kurdistan Regional Government confirms the halt of oil exportation through Turkey's Ceyhan due to the earthquake that struck several areas in the country," tweeted Lawk Ghafuri, head of foreign media relations in Kurdistan. "The exportation will resume after careful inspection of the pipelines finalised." A 7.8-magnitude earthquake hit southern Turkey and neighbouring Syria on Monday, killing more than 1,000 people and causing widespread damage, with tremors felt as far away as Egypt and Iraq.  

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KRG oil revenues in December

The Kurdistan Region exported 11 million 825 thousand barrels of oil in December, selling at an average price of $70 per barrel, earning $832 million 953 thousand. Of which $466 million for expenditure and $366 million remained for the government treasury. notice; The exchange rate of the US dollar against the Iraqi Dinar was 1,450 Dinars, according to the Central Bank of Iraq. Non-oil revenues • Non-oil revenues for December = (287 billion) dinars (according to the latest statements of the Minister of Finance) • Coalition assistance to the Peshmerga forces = (31 billion 500 million) dinars • Kurdistan Region's share of the Iraqi budget = (0) dinars Oil revenues (pipeline exports) • In December 2022, the Kurdistan Region exported 11 million 825 thousand barrels of oil. • The average price of Brent oil for December was $82.44 • Because the Kurdistan Region sells its oil at $12 less, it has sold an average of $70.44 (although the value of the Kurdistan Region's oil is said to be about $20 less, but not officially or by Deloitte). So: (11 million 825 thousand) barrels X ($70.44) = (832 million 953 thousand) dollars. That is, in dinars, it is: (832 million 953 thousand) dollars X (1450) dinars = (1 trillion 207 billion 781 million 850 thousand) dinars. • According to the latest Deloitte report, 56% of oil revenues are spent and 44% remains for the Ministry of Natural Resources. - So: (832 million 953 thousand) dollars X (56%) = (466 million 453 thousand 680) dollars goes to the cost of oil processing. - (832 million 953 thousand) dollars X (44%) = (366 million 499 thousand 320) dollars remaining. Oil revenue in dinars is: (366 million 499 thousand 320) dollars X (1450) dinars = (531 billion 424 million 14 thousand) dinars. Total Revenue in December 2022 (Dinar) (531 billion 424 million 14 thousand) oil revenue + (287 billion) domestic revenue + (31 billion 500 million) allies = (849 billion 924 million 14 thousand) dinars

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