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CPT Iraqi Kurdistan's Report on Sherwan Sherwani’s Trial

On July 20th, 2023, CPT-IK observed the court trial of Sherwan Sherwani. CPT-IK has attended the court trials of all 24 Badinan prisoners since early 2021. Sherwan Sherwani was one of a group of journalists and activists arrested by Duhok security forces in late 2020 in connection with protests against government corruption. In February 2021, he and four others were put on trial for "endangering the national security of the Kurdistan Region." They were found guilty and sentenced to six years in jail. Sherwani is a civil rights activist and independent journalist. His work has included exposing corruption, secret government prisons and advocating for human rights. Sherwani has been routinely targeted for his journalism and activism work. Before his imprisonment, Sherwani faced abductions and threats intended to silence his journalism. On July 20th, 2023, Sherwan Sherwani was tried and convicted in Erbil Criminal Court for falsifying and forging documents. The document in question surrounded a request made on August 28th, 2022, by Badinan Prisoners Sherwan Sherwani, Guhdar Zebari, Hariwan Issa, Eyaz Karam, and Shvan Saeed to retract a previously submitted document asking for conditional release. Sherwani was convicted of forging the signatures of fellow Badinan prisoners and the fingerprint of Guhdar Zebari, who was in solitary confinement at the time. Zebari and the others had all agreed to allow each other to sign on each other's behalf. Sherwani was convicted under Iraqi Penal Code Articles 295 and 298. Falsification under the aforementioned codes is "the alteration as to substance or meaning as stipulated by the Code with intent to deceive of a deed, certificate or other document thereby causing harm to the public welfare or to others."  Additionally, Article 295 is administered for the falsification of ordinary documents. "Any person who falsifies an ordinary document which establishes a debt or disposes of property or discharges a person from a debt or settles a debt or any ordinary document which can be used to establish rights of ownership is punishable by a term of imprisonment not exceeding seven years or by detention." Article 298 states that any person who makes use of a falsified document knowing it to be so is, according to the circumstances, punishable by the penalty prescribed for the offence of falsification.  Observations and Violations CPT-IK is concerned with the significant security presence inside the courtroom during the trial. CPT-IK estimated 12-15 heavily armed policemen were in active attendance, with Mr Sherwani inside a cage. Dozens of other armed guards were outside the courtroom as well. The militarized nature of the courtroom could be designed to intimidate the defendant (and other attendees) due to the high profile of Sherwan and the political nature of his imprisonment. This practice can infringe upon a defendant's legal representation and create an intimidating environment that works against the legal principles of impartiality. The right to a fair trial is a recognized human right. CPT-IK is concerned with the court's potentially unjust procedure of not providing the case's legal documents to the defence in advance, putting the defendants at a disadvantage as the court is skewed in favor of the prosecution. This practice could infringe upon impartiality and a fair trial. It is revealing that the judge asked Shvan Saeed, "You have been released now; do you have wisdom now?" Furthermore, there is no ability to cross-examine or question the validity and independence of the investigation department's evidence.   The judge questioned the prosecution and witnesses about the impact on the Erbil Adult Prison and the other Badinan prisoners Sherwan Sherwani signed for. The prosecution argued that there was a negative impact on the prisoners and the reputation of the Erbil Adult Prison. Guhdar Zebari, Hariwan Issa, and Shvan Saeed all testified in court that there was no negative impact, and stated that they all had given each other explicit permission to sign and fingerprint on behalf of each other. Saeed said when called as a witness, "One year ago, five of us made an agreement that they would all sign on behalf of one another, if it was ever needed. We had consent."  As stated in court, this agreement was created to make collective action easier. Sherwan and witnesses claim that the Erbil Adult Prison had created many obstacles for them to file complaints and requests formally. Also, the prisoners were sometimes placed in solitary confinement and therefore did not have access to participate in the submission of collective requests.  All witnesses testified that there was no negative impact on themselves as they permitted each other to sign. Since the submitted document was a memo and processed internally, no evidence would suggest possible harm to the prison's reputation, quoting Sherwani, "It is not an official document. It is not a security issue". There was no intent of misrepresentation presented in the court nor clear evidence of misrepresentation or any harm caused.  In the court, the representation of Erbil Adult Prison stated that collective requests could not be officially processed; only individual requests could. However, the prisoner's inadmissible document was used in court as evidence of a document that was officially processed.  Sherwan Sherwani stated that there were times they were asked by prison officials and guards to fingerprint blank pages - a commonly documented practice by Kurdish security forces on detainees for purposes of intimidation or attaining a signature or fingerprint to use on a 'false document'. It is important to note that Sherwani testified in court that he did not produce the fingerprint in the space for Guhdar Zebari.  The judge based the sentencing on a different law article because the document in question was not considered official. This raises more questions on the document's viability as evidence if no harm is caused. Ultimately, there was no evidence to suggest any damage to the prison's reputation or the individuals Sherwani had signed for. The result was the judge issuing a 2.5-year sentence for breaking Article 295 and a 1.5-year sentence for violating Article 298. Regarding this, CPT-IK is concerned with unjust sentencing.  CPT-IK is highly concerned that the court is being used to unjustly punish journalists and activists, as was the case for all Badinan Prisoners.  CPT-IK is highly concerned about allegations of torture during interrogations discussed during the trial by Sherwan about his initial trial with the same judge.       Analysis There is likely political interference by the KRG in the judicial system. CPT-IK is highly concerned that this political interference has the potential to significantly undermine the values of justice, fairness and independence in the Kurdish legal system. As evidenced by other Badinan prisoner cases, the judiciary is being used to overly punish activists and journalists who speak out on topics deemed sensitive to the KRG and Kurdish ruling political parties, such as corruption, nepotism, and human rights injustices.  On the evening of July 20th, the same day of the Sherwani's trial, journalist Omed Barushky was kidnapped from his home by the Asayish without any warrant or court order. Barushky had attended Sherwani's trial and was publically critical of the government during a press conference outside the courthouse. He was released upon orders of Masrour Barzani. This is a clear example of political involvement in the legal system.  Iraqi Kurdistan is increasingly an unsafe place for journalists and activists. At least nine journalists have left Iraqi Kurdistan in the past six months due to active threats on themselves and their families. Journalists and activists face constant fear for their lives for their work. Many journalists and activists have stated and shown physical evidence of gruesome torture committed on them while in prison or detention. Torture such as removing nails, hanging gas canisters on genitals, and verbal and physical assault have been used on prisoners. Torture is used to try to retract false confessions, sign documents without knowing what those documents are, and prevent the prisoners from speaking out about any ill-treatment.  After release, journalists and activists continue to face threats to themselves and family members if they speak on any issues related to their imprisonment or issues deemed sensitive by the government.   

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Imprisoned journalist Sherwan Sherwani given additional 4-year sentence in Iraqi Kurdistan

Iraqi Kurdish authorities should release journalist Sherwan Sherwani at once, drop all charges against him, and allow members of the press to work freely, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Thursday. On Thursday, July 20, the Erbil criminal court sentenced Sherwani to an additional four years in prison over a complaint by the Erbil Adult Correctional Directorate for allegedly fabricating documents, according to news reports as well as the journalist’s lawyer and brother, who both spoke to CPJ over the phone. Sherwani, who has been imprisoned since October 2020, was previously scheduled to be released on September 9, 2023, after his sentence was reduced by Kurdistan Regional President Nechirvan Barzani. “Iraqi Kurdish authorities must drop all charges against journalist Sherwan Sherwani and free him immediately,” said Sherif Mansour, CPJ’s Middle East and North Africa program coordinator, in Washington, D.C. “With the latest decision to extend his imprisonment by four years, Iraqi Kurdish authorities are showing their determination to tell the world how vicious they can be against journalists.” Sherwani’s lawyer, Ramazan Tartisi, told CPJ that the journalist was accused of falsely signing fellow imprisoned journalist Ghudar Zebari‘s name on a petition submitted by several prisoners in August 2022. Tartisi told CPJ that Zebari was in solitary confinement at the time but had given Sherwani permission to sign on his behalf.  At a hearing on Thursday, “Zebari confirmed his consent for Sherwani to sign on his behalf, but the judge disregarded that and still imposed punishment on Sherwani,” Tartisi said. The journalist received 2.5 years under Article 295 of the penal code, which pertains to falsifying documents involving debt or property, and 1.5 years under Article 298, which involves knowingly using a falsified document. Sherwani’s legal team plans to appeal the decision, according to Tartisi, who described the decision as “unjust and harsh.” Sherwani and Zebari were both sentenced on February 16, 2021, on charges of destabilizing the security and stability of the Kurdistan region. Barzan Sherwani, the journalist’s brother, described the ruling as “politicized,” adding, “our family will not be subject to such pressure.” CPJ emailed the Iraqi Kurdish Ministry of Justice for comment but did not immediately receive any response. CPJ also repeatedly called the director of Erbil Adult Correctional Directorate for comment but no one answered.

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Deep Dive: Will Turkey agree to resume oil shipments from northern Iraq?

Draw Media amwaj.media The transfer of crude oil from Iraq to Turkey remains suspended, almost four months after an arbitration ruling found that Ankara owes Baghdad compensation for enabling unauthorized exports from Iraqi Kurdistan. Despite unconfirmed reports of an impending visit to Iraq by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, there are few indications of a deal on the horizon.   Origins of the dispute Ankara and Baghdad have clashed over independent Kurdish oil export for almost a decade. Under a 2014 Ankara-Erbil agreement, oil pumped in landlocked Iraqi Kurdistan was independently sold via Turkey’s Mediterranean port of Ceyhan. Of note, most of federal Iraq’s oil exports are shipped through the southern Gulf coast. In reaction to the launch of independent Kurdish exports, Iraq filed an arbitration case with the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC). Baghdad argued that Turkey had broken a 1973 pipeline agreement by allowing oil exports from Iraqi Kurdistan without its permission. The ICC's March decision rested on a stipulation in the 1973 agreement's annex that Turkey would only purchase oil via Iraq’s State Organization for Marketing of Oil (SOMO). In March, the ICC ruled that Turkey must pay Baghdad some 1.47B USD in compensation for having facilitated Iraqi Kurdish oil exports between 2014 and 2018 without the Iraqi federal government’s permission. The Iraqi Ministry of Oil was prompt in welcoming the ICC ruling. As for Turkey, it accepted the outcome, particularly as the penalty was far lower than had been expected. Several Turkish officials Amwaj.media spoke to had expressed concern that the amount could have reached 20B USD. Iraq’s then-oil minister Ihsan Abdul Jabbar Ismail in Sep. 2022 said Baghdad expected compensation of 30B USD if it outright won the case. At the same time, Turkey on Mar. 25 moved to halt the export of over 450,000 barrels of oil per day from northern Iraq. Crude deliveries have been at a standstill ever since. Since the announcement of the ruling, Ankara has largely remained silent about paying the compensation. The case also fell off the Turkish government’s agenda amid an array of domestic challenges. These include the aftermath of the devastating February earthquakes that killed over 50,000 people in Turkey.   Back on the agenda? Beyond other domestic challenges, Ankara also essentially ignored the court ruling during the campaigning for Turkey’s May presidential elections. This was partly to prevent the Turkish opposition from using it as a propaganda tool in the polls. President Erdogan’s re-election has meant the case has once again gained visibility. Last month, a technical delegation from Turkey’s Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources met with an Iraqi team in Baghdad headed by Deputy Oil Minister Bassem Khdeir. They were joined by representatives from the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Discussions were focused on restarting oil exports through northern Iraq. Ankara appears to seek to negotiate over the compensation that has been awarded to Iraq. Turkey also seeks clarification on another arbitration case that is still open. Speaking to Amwaj.media on condition of anonymity, an informed Turkish source alleged that Ankara has demanded to pay the compensation in instalments. The source further claimed that Turkey conveyed to the Iraqi side that it expects to take a more active role in future KRG oil operations. Another Turkish demand, the source alleged, was that it ought to receive discounts going forward as well. Of note, Ankara bought oil exported by the KRG at below market value before the arbitration ruling. The source additionally echoed reports that another Turkish precondition to restart the flow of oil is for Iraq to withdraw a second lawsuit. The latter ICC case relates to KRG oil exports from 2018 until Apr. 2023. Sources with knowledge of the process told Amwaj.media that the potential compensation in the second suit could exceed the 1.47B USD awarded to Baghdad in the first case. The Turkish delegation’s other demands reportedly include Iraqi payment for maintenance costs for the roughly 350 km-long (217 miles) pipeline. But Iraq has refused on the grounds that Turkey stopped the oil exports. Baghdad would also like crude transfers to resume before full negotiations over compensation begin, as a sign of goodwill.   Technical or political impediments? Despite months of efforts, there are no clear signs of any resumption of crude exports from northern Iraq. Before the suspension, the pipeline had been carrying around 400,000 barrels per day of KRG crude and around 75,000 barrels per day of oil pumped from fields controlled by the federal government. The export cessation is estimated to have cost Erbil in excess of 2B USD. The financial loss for the Baghdad government may also be significant, although far less impactful. Yet, there are some indications that a resumption of oil transfers could be on the table. The Iraqi government and the KRG on Apr. 4 signed a temporary deal in the hope of resuming crude exports through Turkey. Under the deal, SOMO will have the authority to market and export oil pumped in the Kurdistan region. The revenues will be deposited in an account at the Iraqi Central Bank under Erbil’s control. But despite the progress on the Iraqi side, Turkish blockages continue. Both the KRG and Iraqi federal government in May requested the reopening of the Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline. Later, Iraq’s Oil Minister Hayan Abdul-Ghani charged that there had been no response from Turkish state energy company BOTAS. This is while officials in Turkey reportedly blamed unspecified “technical reasons” for the delay. Baghdad’s frustration is evident; in May, Turkish media quoted an Iraqi official as saying that “the issue is political rather than technical.” Turkey appears to be exploiting the situation to pressure Iraq into compromising on the compensation it has been awarded. Shortly after the Apr. 2023 deal between Baghdad and Erbil, Turkey reportedly wanted to negotiate a settlement before permitting a resumption of Iraqi exports. Such an arrangement would be along the lines suggested to Amwaj.media by the informed Turkish source. However, Ankara could also be pushing for a reduction in the overall amount of compensation. Likely as part of its negotiating strategy, Turkey is intentionally drawing out the process. In the June 19 meeting held in Baghdad, the delegations drew attention to the political dimensions of the issue. They also called for further talks. The following day, KRG Prime Minister Masrour Barzani met with President Erdogan in Ankara as the deadlock continued. The ICC ruling and the resumption of oil exports were discussed. But no concrete progress appears to have been made.   Different stances hinder resumption of exports Turkey is pursuing a maximalist position even as it is also suffering economically from the halt in oil deliveries. On the other hand, Iraq—as the winner in the arbitration ruling—does not wish to undermine the ICC’s decision. Iraqi Prime Minister Muhammad Shia’ Al-Sudani is solution oriented. In principle, this should make a deal more likely. But as some reports indicate, Iran-backed armed groups in Iraq are believed to also be blocking progress. These factions are alleged to have been unwilling to let the Sudani government acquiesce to Turkey’s demand to drop the second lawsuit filed with the ICC. Of note, the same groups also blocked former Iraqi prime minister Adil Abdul Mahdi (2018-19) from attempting to freeze the case during his tenure. The situation is partly a reflection of the regional rivalry between Ankara and Tehran. Iran-backed factions in Iraq regularly make anti-Turkish statements and attack Turkish military bases in the north of the country. Essential to Ankara’s fight against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)—an organization blacklisted by Britain, Turkey, and the US—the military installations have drawn the ire of many Iraqi actors. On the other hand, Washington is said to be lobbying behind the scenes in Ankara and Baghdad for a resumption of Iraqi exports through the northern route. So far, it has been unable to reconcile the parties. Bilateral trade between Iraq and Turkey reportedly exceeded 24B USD last year. There are strong shared business interests, and Ankara and Baghdad alike seek to protect their strong economic relationship from tensions. If anything, the dispute over the resumption of oil exports via the Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline show the need for high-level political negotiations. Without mutual concessions, the impasse is likely to continue.    

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Fighting for Kurdistan?

Draw Media Netherlands Institute of International Relations-Feike Fliervoet     The Peshmerga forces of Iraqi Kurdistan are a complex and multi-faceted security organisation, their loyalty divided between the Iraqi state, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), different political parties and powerful individuals. At different times – and sometimes simultaneously – they can be characterised as national, regional, party and personal forces. This report explores the dynamics and consequences of these various roles in the broader political context of the relationship between Erbil and Baghdad. For relations within the KRG, as well as between the Kurdish Region of Iraq (KRI) and Baghdad, to develop as constructively and as peacefully as possible, it is important that international partners currently supporting the Peshmerga and/or the Iraqi Security Forces take three recommendations to heart: 1. Develop an integrated security sector reform (SSR) strategy that considers support for the Peshmerga and the Iraqi Security Forces in relation to each other. 2. Ensure that such an integrated SSR strategy is embedded in a broader political strategy for re-including Iraq’s Kurds in the Iraqi polity on favourable, inclusive and reconciliatory terms. 3. Consider the need for reform and reconciliation within the Kurdistan region to prevent further intra-Kurdish conflict.         PDF

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Deductions and non-payment of salaries in the ninth cabinet

Draw Media The total amount of salaries not paid and deducted in the ninth cabinet is; # (6 trillion 300 billion) dinars "7 full salaries" # (1 trillion 701 billion) dinars "9 salaries with 21% deduction" # (162 billion) dinars "1 salary with 18% deduction" # (900 billion) dinars "salary (6) of 2023" delayed # So the total amount of salaries not paid in the ninth cabinet (9 trillion 63 billion) dinars. Arrears and salary deductions as financial entitlements of the region's employees: In the election campaign in Septrmber 2018 political parties campaigned for the return of salary arrears and opening accounts for salaried employees. With the inauguration of the ninth cabinet salaried employees were waiting for the return of their salary arrears, but this cabinet invented a new innovation called (salary deduction). This is despite the fact that in 2020, a record number of non-payment of salaries was recorded. Regarding the financial entitlements of the salaried employees that are the responsibility of the Kurdistan Regional Government, only in the ninth cabinet is more than (9 trillion) dinars. The period of salary arrears was held during the eighth cabinet of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) headed by Nechirvan Barzani. However, in the ninth cabinet, the issue of salaries entered a new stage, which was the invention of salary deductions instead of savings. In this cabinet, the salaries of the months (4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12 of 2020) were not paid, (9) salaries with a deduction of (21%) and a salary with a deduction of (18%) has been paid to the employees in the years (2021 - 2022). Therefore, if we estimate the total salary expenditure at (900 billion) dinars monthly, then the total financial entitlements of salaried employees in the ninth cabinet has not been paid to them is; • (7) months of salary cuts X (900 billion) dinars = (6 trillion 300 billion) dinars • (9) months with deduction of (21%) X (189 billion) dinars = (1 trillion 701 billion) dinars • (1) month with deduction of (18%) X (162 billion) dinars = (162 billion) dinars • Currently, the month of June (2023) has passed, but the salaries have not been distributed, which is more than (900 billion dinars). Therefore, the total amount of unpaid salaries in the ninth cabinet is; (6 trillion 300 billion) dinars "7 full salaries" + (1 trillion 701 billion) dinars "9 salaries with 21% deduction" + (162 billion) dinars "1 salary with 18% deduction" + (900 billion) dinars salaries  of June 2023 = (9 trillion 63 billion) dinars.

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Masrour Barzani admitts that the KRG had many shortcomings

 Kurdistan Region Prime Minister Masrour Barzani held a meeting with a number of citizens of the Kurdistan Region in Erbil, in which he answered their questions and discussed many outstanding issues with them. During the meeting Masrour Barzani admitted that the KRG had many shortcomings, but he insisted there have been outside forces attempting to sabotage the Region “Some of these crises were created, partly at the local level, or rather by those whose interests were violated or who felt their interests were endangered, and that’s why they oppose our government,” Barzani noted that, “many parties outside the Kurdistan Region tried to put economic, legal and security pressure on this government so that we could not succeed in our tasks. Now I can assure you that many of these crises have passed, but we still have to face some of them with your help.”

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Turkey extends flight ban on Iraqi Kurds' Sulaimaniyah airport over alleged PKK support

Amberin Zaman, Al-monitor Turkey on Monday extended a flight ban to Iraqi Kurdistan’s Sulaimaniyah International Airport for six months, Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) officials confirmed, in a move that will further squeeze the region’s economy and physically isolate it from the West. The extension was first reported by the Iraqi Kurdish news outlet Rudaw, citing officials from Turkey’s national carrier, Turkish Airlines. The initial ban was announced in April and imposed for three months on the grounds that the airport had become a hub for activities of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). The Turkish Kurdish group, whose top commanders are based in Iraqi Kurdistan, has been orchestrating its armed campaign against the Turkish military from the Iraq-Iran border since the early 1990s.   Sulaimaniyah is under the control of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the second most influential party in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, which has traditionally enjoyed close ties with the PKK. Qubad Talabani, whose older brother Bafel runs the PUK, traveled to Ankara in April in a bid to appease Ankara, but apparently to little effect. The PUK is clearly not living up to Ankara’s expectations to restrict and provide actionable intelligence on the PKK’s activities in the Sulaimaniyah region. The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), which leads the KRG, is, on the other hand, closely allied with Turkey and supports its ongoing military campaign against the PKK. Thousands of Turkish troops are deployed across KDP-held territory close to the Turkish border where the bulk of the rebels are based. Officials of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are not permitted to use the Erbil airport to travel abroad in keeping with Ankara’s wishes. KRG Prime Minister Masrour Barzani, whose father, Massoud, leads the KDP, became the first foreign dignitary to pay Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan a formal visit following his election victory in May. Ankara insists that the Sulaimaniyah airport has been used to smuggle in weapons destined for the rebels, who used it to travel between Iraq and the outside world. The airport was also used by officials from the US-backed Kurdish administration in northeast Syria, notably Mazlum Kobane, commander in chief of the SDF. The Kurdish-led force is the United States’ main ally in the ongoing campaign to degrade and destroy the Islamic State in northeast Syria. Turkey says that the SDF is part of the broader PKK network and is demanding that the United States scotch its partnership with the group. In April, Turkey targeted Kobane and his convoy, which was also carrying US military officials, near the Sulaimaniyah airport in a drone strike just days after sealing its airspace to flights bound to and from there. Kobane had just returned from a trip to the United Arab Emirates to lobby for its support, as first reported by Al-Monitor. Kobane has kept a low profile ever since, and security measures in northeast Syria have been tightened dramatically. Yet Turkey continues to pick off SDF and PKK-linked individuals in drone strikes both in Iraq and Syria. PKK-led groups are under stronger pressure than ever before, said a Western analyst who spoke anonymously to Al-Monitor following a recent trip to northeast Syria. Bilal Wahab, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, views the continued ban as part of a broader trend whereby regional powers Turkey and Iran as well as the central government in Baghdad are engaging the PUK and KDP as individual actors rather than as representatives of a unified KRG — a trend that has been accelerated by the sharp divisions between the Iraqi Kurdish parties themselves. “The KRG as a unified governing entity is being undone. Part of it stems from the KDP-PUK divisions, which are inviting regional powers to deal with the PUK and the KDP separately,” Wahab told Al-Monitor. As such, the flight ban is a further example of Turkey having a KDP and a PUK policy, where one is punished and the other rewarded. “This also tracks with how Baghdad treats the KRG,” Wahab added. Despite its close ties to the KDP, Turkey has failed to allow the resumption of Iraqi and Kurdish oil sales through a pipeline network that runs from KDP controlled territory to export terminals on its Mediterranean coast. Turkey sealed the line on March 25 after an international arbitration court ordered Turkey to pay Baghdad $1.5 billion in damages for enabling the KRG to sell its oil independently of Baghdad. The closure is costing the KRG an estimated $1 billion in monthly revenues that is used to pay 80% of public sector salaries. Turkey is holding out in a bid to pressure Baghdad to drop a separate arbitration case.    

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The Kurdistan Region's Share in the Iraqi Budget and the Financial Cleansing of the Past Six Months

Draw Media A delegation from the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is scheduled to go to Baghdad to discuss how to send the Kurdistan Region's share of the Iraqi budget law and the financial cleansing of the past six months of revenues with the Iraqi Ministry of Finance. The Kurdistan Region's financial entitlements for salaries are about (906) billion dinars monthly and (5 trillion 436 billion) dinars annually, in addition to the provincial development budget and other expenditures. For the financial cleansing of the past six months, the Kurdistan Region must return (oil for the first three months of 2023, 50% of the revenue from border points, commercial bank loans, 400 billion dinars loan) to Baghdad. The budget law came into force after it was published in the Waqaii newspaper, because the budget law has (retroactive effect) so it will be counted from January 1, 2023. The delegation of the Ministry of Finance visited Baghdad before the Eid al-Adha holidays, in order to discuss the details of the implementation of the budget law and the share of the past six months.  Finally, the budget law was approved by the Iraqi parliament and published in the Waaqii newspaper, and went into effect immediately. Articles 11, 12 and 13 of the budget law are specific to the Kurdistan Region, in addition to several other items in the budget. According to the budget law: • In the event of payment of 100% of the financial entitlements of the Kurdistan Region as stated in the budget law, the average entitlements of the Kurdistan Region in the budget will be (18 trillion and 310 billion) dinars, that is, (1 trillion and 526 billion) dinars monthly. • In return for receiving this financial entitlement, the Kurdistan Region will bear financial obligation and must return (1 trillion 210 billion) dinars monthly to Baghdadi according to the budget law. According to this equation, the Kurdistan Region will receive 1.526 trillion dinars from Baghdad and return 1.210 trillion dinars to Baghdad, which means each month 310 billion dinars remain for the Kurdistan Region.

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Turkey Has Extended the Suspension of Flights to Sulaymaniyah Airport for Another Six Months

Draw Media Turkey has extended the suspension of flights to Sulaymaniyah International Airport until next year. On April 3, Turkey suspended flights to Sulaimani International Airport, which was supposed to continue until July, but today the Turkish authorities extended the suspension of flights to Sulaimani Airport until December 3 next year, for another six months. The extension of the suspension of flights to Sulaimani Airport comes after the recent visit of Prime Minister Masrour Barzani to Ankara. Turkish authorities say the suspension of flights at Sulaymaniyah airport is to express concern about the increased movement of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Sulaymaniyah province. On April 7, after three days of suspension of flights to Sulaymaniyah, a Turkish drone fired a missile at an area near the Sulaymaniyah airport cargo as Mazlum Kobane, the commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces, was in the airport to return to Syria.The attack caused no damage, It was only to send a message that Turkey is aware of Kobane's visit to Sulaymaniyah. Turkish drones have occasionally targeted PKK officials in Sulaimaniyah province. After the suspension of flights to Sulaimani Airport, Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Deputy Prime Minister Gubad Talabani has arrived in Turkey for talks with Turkish officials, but apparently his visit did not affect the Turkish authorities to resume flights to Sulaymaniyah airport.

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The fifth term of Parliament will retire itself

Draw Media The fifth term of the Kurdistan parliament retired yesterday. Only seven MPs have refused to receive their pensions and the six MPs who sworn-in after the extension of parliament, will not be covered by the pension. However, from the next Kurdistan parliament, those who do not meet the legal requirements will not be retired. Contrary to the decision of the Federal Court, the parliamentary office has sent MPs name to retirement since June 30. If a legal complaint is filed, MPs will retire from November 6, and their salaries for the past eight months will also be deducted. More details in this report; Kurdista Parliament began the process of retirement of the fifth term of parliamentarians yesterday. Out of 111 MPs the office of parliament sent the retirement letters of 104 MPs to the General Directorate of Pensions in the Ministry of Finance. According to the investigations of (Draw Media), the office of the Kurdistan Parliament has determined June 30 as the last working day of the parliament. This means that MPs will receive their full salary as MPs for the month of June, which has not yet been distributed. The parliamentary office has sent the names of the parliamentarians to the pension directorate in two lists: • The first list consists of (104) members of parliament. • The second list includes the names of seven MPs, five of whom are from the Islamic Union faction and have been retired since March 1 this year. The other two MPs, Ali Hama Saleh and Shayan Askari, have refused to receive their pensions. Who have refused to retire? The reform law passed by the Kurdistan Parliament on December 16, 2020, includes a provision that states: "A member of parliament voluntarily has the right to waive his rights and pension entitlements," Out of the 111 members of the Kurdistan Parliament, only seven members have refused to receive their pensions. • Ali Hama Saleh • Shayan Askari • Shirin Amin • Kazim Farooq • Mujda Mahmoud • Kawa Abdulqadir • Sipan Amedi

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Changing the Direction of Krg Oil, From the Port of Jayhan to Nineveh Province

In the first step after the publication of the budget law in the Iraqi newspaper Waqi'i, the Iraqi Oil Ministry suspended oil exports from Kirkuk to the (Kar) refinery in Erbil. Instead of Kirkuk oil, The Khurmala field, which is under the control of the Kurdistan Regional Government, will meet the needs of oil products in Nineveh province. An informed source in Baghdad told (Draw Media) that the Iraqi Oil Ministry has ordered the suspension of Kirkuk oil exports to Kar refinery and Northern Oil Company immediately implemented the decision and suspended 60,000 barrels of oil per day. After the start of the war against ISIS and the shutdown of the Beji refinery near Tikrit in 2014, the export of oil products to Kirkuk and Mosul has been suspended. To solve the problem, The Iraqi government has decided to provide 100,000 barrels of Kirkuk oil per day to the two refineries (Kar) in Erbil and Qaywan refinery in Sulaimani, to meet the needs of oil products in Kirkuk and Mosul. According to the contract signed by the Iraqi government with the two companies (Kar) and (Qaywan), these two companies will refine each barrel of oil at the amount of (8) dollars, which means that in the past afew years, Kar refinery has earned about (15 million) dollars monthly, and Qaywan refinery about (10 million) dollars. The Kar refinery is close to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Qaywan refinery is a partnership between Qaywan Company and the PUK General Administration. According to the 2023 Iraqi budget law, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) must deliver 400,000 barrels of oil daily to the Iraqi Oil Ministry through SOMO.  The budget law says that if the Kurdistan Regional Government cannot export oil, the KRG must hand over the same amount of oil to the Iraqi Oil Ministry for domestic use.  

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Will the Kurdistan region revive the 1992 commission?

Draw Media With less than five months to go before the Kurdistan Region's sixth parliamentary elections, there is no prospect of holding elections this year. There is a proposal to entrust the Kurdistan Election Commission to judges like the 1992 commission. However, the proposal will conflict with the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court's decision to dissolve the Kurdistan parliament.  In this situation, the Kurdistan Region has no choice but to wait for the Iraqi Election Commission, which will expire in January next year.  Dissolution of parliament and the issue of elections Political parties are preparing for the Iraqi provincial council elections, which will not include the provinces of the Kurdistan Region and will be held in the disputed areas. The deadline set by President Nechirvan Barzani for the parliamentary elections is still in place and has not been postponed, November 18 this year. On May 30, the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court ruled on the complaints were filed against the extension of parliament and decided to cancel the extension, which canceled all laws and decisions issued after the extension of parliament, especially the May 22 session to re-activate the Election and Referendum Commission. Since the Federal Court's decision, the parliament has not held any meetings, so the issue of holding elections has returned to the Kurdistan region presidency. On November 8, the Kurdistan Region Presidency sent a delegation to Baghdad to talk with the Iraqi Election Commission about preparations for the elections in Kurdistan. This was a recognition of the Federal Court's decision to dissolve the Kurdistan Parliament and the inactivity of the Kurdistan Commission. The Kurdistan region presidency wants to hold elections this year anyway, but this is only as an attempt and in reality a weak possibility.

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Lahur Sheikh Jangi announces the People's List for the elections

Draw Media Lahur Sheikh Jangi announces the People's List for the provincial council elections, and submits a draft for a single list of Kurdish parties. According to Draw Media information, Lahur Sheikh Jangi submitted a project to the Kurdish parties for the Iraqi provincial council election, which is scheduled for December 18. In the project that Sheikh Jangi has suggested to the Kurdish parties, he askes for one Kurdish list in the elections in the Kurdish regions outside the Kurdistan Region. So far, the project has been given to (Gorran Movement, Justice Group, and Islamic Union) and is scheduled to be given to other parties, including the PUK and KDP. A source in the Justice Group told (Draw Media) that Lahur Sheikh Jangi's project has been received by his party, which he asks for submitting one single list for the Kurdish candidates and unity of Kurdish parties for the provincial council elections, in areas outside the Kurdistan Region. Lahur Sheikh Jangi is waiting for the response of the political parties to implement his project, he believes that the Kurdish situation in the Kurdish areas outside the Kurdistan Region is very bad and needs a single list and unity of all the Kurdish parties. Draw Media has learned that, If the parties do not agree to his proposal, Lahur Sheikh Jangi will have his list to participate in the Iraqi provincial council elections in Kirkuk and Kurdish areas outside the Kurdistan Region, and Shadman Mullah Hassan, a leader close to Lahur Sheikh Jangi, confirmed Draw Media's information about Lahur Sheikh Jangi's project. The Iraqi provincial council elections are scheduled for December 18, the Kurds will have lists in the provinces of Kirkuk, Nineveh, Salahaddin, and Diyala. However, the Kurdish parties have not yet announced any plans for how the elections will be conducted and how the Kurdish parties will participate. In the provinces located in the Kurdish areas outside the Kurdistan Region, there is competition for 71 provincial council seats among different communities (Kurdish, Arab, Turkmen) in addition to the religious minorities: • For Kirkuk province: 15 seats • For Nineveh province: 26 seats • For Salahaddin province: 15 seats • For Diyala province: 15 seats

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Mullah Halo denies any involvement in the murder of Khwanas Warya "the king of the street"

Draw Media Khwanas Warya Gli, who called himself "The king of the street" was shot dead on Thursday in the center of Chamchamal city. Less than 24 hours later, the Kurdistan Region's local security forces (Asayish) announced that they have arrested the killer of (Khwanas Warya). The killer identified as (Hersh Karim), had previously posted Mullah Halo's speeches on his Facebook account, after he has been arrested, attributed the murder to religious differences.  Mullah Halo Hama Rashid is the leader of an Islamic group who is now accused by activists of encouraging the killing of infidels and those who insult religious beliefs. Mullah Halo, in a recorded video denied any involvement in the murder of Khwanas Warya and stated that he does not know neither the killer nor the murdered, "I never said to kill anyone who is an infidel", he said. Mullah Halo also clarified that there is nothing more than a fruit knife in his house. "I have never prepared myself for any confrontation." (Khwanas Warya), was born in 2001 in Chamchamal. He is married and has a three-year-old child named Ramin. He was an artist and painter. A motorcyclist shot him dead in Chamchamal city center on June 22, 2023. He had returned from the UAE for two days. According to his father, he was working in a garage in UAE.  According to Draw Media information, Khwanas comes from a prominent family in Chamchamal and they belong to the Gli tribe. Khwanas's father, Warya Gli, is one of the prominent novelists and has dozens of novels, such as: (My Grandmother's Bus, She was my uncle, Jessica, my sweet daughter...).  When Maria Sami was killed on March 10, 2022, in Erbil, Khwanas wrote: “There is no crime worth taking away a person's soul and killing her". No one can be killed for wearing a headscarf, smoking, or changing religion. I am proud that I have not turned a blind eye to injustice for a minute.

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"The king of the street" was shot dead in the center of Chamchamal city

Draw Media Khwanas Warya Gli who called himself "The king of the street" was born in 2001 in Chamchamal. He is married and has a three-year-old child named Ramin. He was an artist and painter. A motorcyclist shot him dead in Chamchamal city center yesterday. He had returned from the UAE for two days. According to his father, he was working in a garage in UAE. According to Draw Media information, Khwanas comes from a prominent family in Chamchamal and they belong to Gli tribe. Khwanas's father, Warya Gli, is one of the prominent novelists and has dozens of novels, such as: (My grandmother's bus, she was my Uncle, Jessica.. my sweet daughter...). When Maria Sami was killed on March 10, 2022 in Erbil, Khwanas wrote: “There is no crime worth taking away a person's soul and killing her". No one can be killed for wearing a headscarf, smoking or changing religion. I am proud that I have not turned a blind eye to injustice for a minute.

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