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Are new US financial restrictions on Iraq missing their target?

  The latest restrictions are a symptom of increased US-Iran tensions. But as Iraq’s elite find ways around them, ordinary Iraqis are the Hayder Al-Shakeri Iraq has once again been hit by US financial restrictions, this time aimed at restricting specific banks and individuals from trading in the Central Bank of Iraq (CBI)’s daily currency auctions. The timing of these economic measures can in part be attributed to increased tensions between the US and Iran, that are once again being played out in Iraq. However, the elites targeted by the sanctions are finding ways around them, while the real impact is being felt by ordinary Iraqis, whose lives are made even more difficult as currency fluctuations make essential goods, like food and medicine, more expensive and less accessible.  What has happened? Banks such as Asia Islamic Bank, Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, Al-Ansari Islamic Bank and Al-Qabith Islamic Bank have long used CBI’s daily currency auction to gain US dollars and launder money. In fact, the governor of CBI once admitted that a majority of the money is going to neighbouring countries such as Iran via electronic transfers, often with fake invoices. These banks are also backed by political figures and are deeply entrenched in Iraq’s political elite and armed factions, and some of their partners have been targets of US sanctions in the past. Washington is demonstrating its discomfort by flexing its economic muscle, warning Baghdad not to stray too far in the wrong direction. As part of a larger set of demands by Washington, in November 2022 the CBI started banning several of these banks from dealing in US dollars. Security forces added to the pressure by arresting or fining employees at currency exchange offices selling at black market rates, leading to the majority of exchange offices ceasing to sell US dollars. These restrictions have had a significant impact: in October 2022, Iraq sold up to $260 million daily, but that had dropped to around $43 million by January 2023. Why now? These currency auctions have been a haven for illicit financial transactions for over a decade, so why has the US decided to clamp down now? Some experts argue the restrictions are linked to when Iraq joined the international electronic banking system in November 2022. But exposing Iraq’s financial procedures to international scrutiny also revealed transactions linked to Iranian-affiliated trading houses which divert the cash back to Iran or its allies across the region, rekindling the US-Iran dispute. As early as 2018, the US reported that some Iraqi banks were linked to parties that diverted the money to Iran or for Iran throughout the region, and it threatened to impose sanctions as far back as 2020. Any future sanctions must be based on an in-depth understanding of Iraq’s complex political dynamics. The political element of these new restrictions relates to emerging dynamics in Baghdad. Unlike his predecessor, Iraq’s new prime minister, Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, is backed primarily by a network of Shia leaders, some of whom are US-designated terrorists and allies of Iran. Washington is therefore demonstrating its discomfort by flexing its economic muscle, warning Baghdad not to stray too far in the wrong direction. Iraq’s people are the ultimate victims Iraq’s elites have quickly found ways around these restrictions. Blocking international transactions have not prevented the majority of funds from being smuggled to neighbouring countries, either through exchange offices or in cash over Iraq’s borders. Despite threats from security services, exchange offices in Baghdad, supported by political elites and parties, continue to purchase US dollars on their behalf. Exchange offices are only one part of a complex system – including federal government contracts, border checkpoints and other official bodies – that helps finance these political parties and their backers to the tune of up to $300 million per day. Instead of hitting their intended targets, the absence of a comprehensive strategy means these US restrictions have impacted the everyday lives of Iraqi citizens by driving up exchange rates, leading to protests. While most Iraqis are paid in the Iraqi dinar, many essential goods are priced based on the value of the US dollar, making them unaffordable for many people In the health sector, officials have said currency fluctuations have made it impossible to regulate the price of medicine. The increased cost has forced people to seek out counterfeit or expired medication at cheaper prices, at significant risk to their health. The restricted revenue in Iraqi dinars and increasing material prices in US dollars has also impacted the livelihoods of many farmers, forcing 3,000 poultry farms to close. To meet demand, Iraq will soon be forced to import more meat and vegetables at higher prices. But these fluctuations do not affect everyone equally. In March 2023, ordinary Iraqis were forced to pay a black-market rate for US dollars more than 17.5 per cent above the official rate. Meanwhile, the elites had access to the CBI’s currency auction via their banks and exchange offices, enabling them to purchase US dollars at official rates while keeping the inflated rates in the black market. This demonstrates the ability of Iraq’s political elites to not only circumvent the restrictions but benefit from them. Any future sanctions must be based on an in-depth understanding of Iraq’s complex political dynamics or they will primarily harm the most vulnerable, while the intended targets escape largely unscathed. 

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Iraqi PM makes ministerial changes

Draw Media "Five to six ministers to be replaced" Iraqi PM Mohammed Shia' al-Sudani will make ministerial changes in the first six months of his cabinet. Due to poor performance of a number of ministers, Sudani has decided to replace five to six ministers who do not perform their duties properly. Meanwhile, the United States has comments on several ministers, including the minister of higher education, who belongs to the Ahl al-Haq group, and the minister of social affairs, who belongs to the Jundul Imam group

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Iraq’s arbitration win reshapes Baghdad-Erbil relationship

BEN VAN HEUVELEN AND BEN LANDO OF IRAQ OIL REPORT   Key details of the landmark Iraq-Turkey arbitration ruling have big implications for the future of Baghdad-Erbil power dynamics and the KRG oil sector. Iraq's arbitration victory against Turkey has fundamentally changed the power dynamics that enabled the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to build an independent oil sector. Baghdad and Erbil have never come close to resolving the constitutional and policy debates over how Iraq's oil sector should be structured, but for nearly a decade the KRG was winning the argument that mattered most: the ability to establish facts on the ground to secure control over oil and revenue flows. The KRG's advantage depended on one indispensable partner: Ankara. Before signing a strategic energy agreement with Turkey in November 2013, the KRG could only achieve large-scale pipeline exports by striking temporary deals with Iraq's federal government; after Turkey agreed to give the KRG control of its own exports, it had a financial artery that did not depend on Baghdad. Days after the KRG sold its first tanker of crude via Turkey's pipeline, in May 2014, the Iraqi Oil Ministry filed for arbitration against Turkey at the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in Paris. The case argued that Turkey was using its side of the Iraq-Turkey Pipeline (ITP) system to facilitate the KRG's crude exports without Baghdad's permission, and that doing so was a violation of the pipeline treaty the two countries had just renewed in 2010. Nine years later, the tribunal has now issued its ruling. The most pivotal question it needed to address was whether Turkey could legally facilitate KRG exports without Baghdad's consent, or whether the ITP treaty gives Iraq's federal Oil Ministry primary authority over directing the export of all crude oil coming from Iraq. On that fundamental question, the ruling was an unequivocal win for Baghdad. Iraq Oil Report was briefed on the ICC ruling by two individuals affiliated with the parties and familiar with the award, and was able to independently corroborate the details they provided. Those details show that, while Iraq prevailed in its most central claim, it also failed to win damages on the scale it had sought. Details of the decision also show significant ways in which the ICC ruling has changed the legal parameters that shape the KRG's ability to export crude in the future — and reveal some important ways in which very little has changed. In summary, the substance of the ruling has significant implications for the future of Baghdad-Erbil relations, the trajectory of the KRG oil sector, and impending negotiations between Iraq and Turkey. Here are five key takeaways.  

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Up to 1 mln people 'disappeared' in Iraq in last half century - UN

Up to 1 million people have been “disappeared” in Iraq during a tumultuous last half century spanning the dictatorial rule of Saddam Hussein, U.S.-led military occupation and the rise of Islamic State militants, the United Nations said on Tuesday. The U.N. Committee on Enforced Disappearances urged Iraq, which has one of the highest numbers of missing people in the world, to seek victims and punish perpetrators. But that was hampered by the lack of definition of enforced disappearance as a crime in Iraqi law, its report said. “The UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances urged Iraq to immediately establish the basis to prevent, eradicate and repair this heinous crime,” it said. There was no immediate reaction from an Iraqi government spokesperson or the interior ministry. Up to 290,000 people, including some 100,000 Kurds, were forcibly disappeared by Hussein’s “genocidal campaign” in Kurdistan between 1968 and 2003, the U.N. report said. Disappearances continued after the U.S.-led invasion in 2003, which saw the capture of at least 200,000 Iraqis, nearly half of whom were held in prisons run by the U.S. or Britain. “It is alleged that detainees were arrested without a warrant for their involvement in insurgency operations, while others were ‘civilians in the wrong place at the wrong time’,” the committee said. A new wave of abductions accompanied Islamic State’s proclamation of a caliphate over part of Iraq’s territory. “Other ongoing patterns include the alleged enforced disappearance of children, especially Yezidi children born after their mothers were sexually abused in ISIL/Dae’sh camps,” the committee said, using terms for Islamic State. Saying that between 250,000 and 1 million people were estimated to have disappeared since 1968, the committee also asked Iraq to create an independent task force to ensure detainees are listed and families informed of their location. (Draw Media/Reuters)

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Baghdad, Erbil set to restart northern oil exports Tuesday

KRG Prime Minister Masrour Barzani is travelling to Baghadad on Tuesday to finalise an agreement with Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani on the resumption of oil exports from the Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq and to hold talks to settle a dispute over oil and gas that has dragged on for nearly two decades. Although one arbitration case has been settled, a second is ongoing. Iraq's federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) have reached a final deal to restart northern oil exports to be announced Tuesday, official sources told Reuters. A formal request has been sent to Turkey to restart oil exports through an Iraq-Turkey pipeline and "in the next few hours pumping will resume," a Baghdad government official said. Turkey stopped pumping about 450,000 b/d of Iraqi crude through a pipeline from the Fish-Khabur border area to its Ceyhan port on March 25 after Iraq won an arbitration case. The halted flows account for about 0.5% of global oil supply, but the stoppage forced oil firms operating in the region to halt output or move production into rapidly-filling storage tanks, and helped to boost oil prices last week to nearly $80/bbl. Baghdad had said Turkey violated a joint agreement by allowing the KRG to export oil to Ceyhan without its consent. Under the deal, which was finalised late on Monday, Iraq's state-owned marketing company SOMO will have the authority to market and export KRG oil and the revenues will be deposited in an account at the Iraqi Central Bank under the control of the KRG, two Iraqi government officials said. Both spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorised to speak to the media. Baghdad will have access to audit the account. KRG Prime Minister Masrour Barzani is travelling to Baghadad on Tuesday to finalise an agreement with Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani on the resumption of oil exports from the Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq and to hold talks to settle a dispute over oil and gas that has dragged on for nearly two decades. Although one arbitration case has been settled, a second is ongoing.  

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Iraq pockets $7.4 billion in March oil sales

According to the preliminary statistics issued by the Iraqi Oil Marketing Company "SOMO", the total amount of exports of crude oil amounted to (100) million (913) thousand and (27) barrels with revenues amounting to $7.404 billion, said a statement by the Ministry of Oil. The statistic indicated that the total exported quantities of crude oil for March, from the oil fields in central and southern Iraq, amounted to (98) million and (875) thousand and (692) barrels, while the quantities exported from the Kirkuk fields through the port of Ceyhan reached, (1) million and (727) thousand and (494) barrels. As for the average daily quantities exported, (3) million and (255) thousand barrels per day. "The average price of one barrel amounted to more than $73.37," included the statement, noting that "the ministry, through its belief in informing the people about export operations and the revenues achieved from it, took this monthly measure."

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Details of the agreement between Erbil and Baghdad on Oil

Draw Media The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has reached an agreement with the federal government to hand over oil to SOMO, In presence of Esmail Qaani, commander of Iran's paramilitary Quds Force. In return, the federal government has promised to give the position of deputy director of SOMO. According to information obtained from several informed sources, last night at the Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein’s house, a broad meeting between representatives of the Kurdistan Regional Government and the federal government has been conducted, and Esmail Qaani, commander of Iran's paramilitary Quds attended the meeting. Draw Media has learned that The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the federal government reached a preliminary agreement to resume oil exports through Turkey.   The agreement is as follows: • The Kurdistan Regional Government has agreed to hand over its oil to the Iraqi Oil Marketing Company (SOMO). • A joint committee should be formed between the Kurdistan Regional Government and the Federal Government to monitor the process of exporting, selling oil from the region, and the Kurdistan Regional Government must gradually cancel all contracts with oil companies. • The oil revenues of the region should be deposited in a bank account and the federal government should monitor the bank account as agreed by both sides in the 2023 draft budget. •The position of deputy director of SOMO will be assigned to the Kurds and oil exports from Kurdistan will resume within two days.

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Iraqi Kurdistan region's oil output at risk after Turkey halts pipeline exports

(Reuters) Oil in the Kurdistan Region is at risk after a halt in northern exports has forced firms operating there to divert crude to storage, where capacity is limited.  Iraq was forced to halt around 450,000 barrels per day (bpd) of crude exports from the KRI on Saturday through an export pipeline that runs from its northern Kirkuk oil fields to the Turkish port of Ceyhan. Turkey halted the pumping of Iraqi crude from the pipeline after Iraq won an arbitration case in which it said Turkey had violated a joint agreement by allowing the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to export oil to Ceyhan without Baghdad’s consent. Oil firms operating in the region have been left in limbo as they await the outcome of ongoing discussions between Ankara, Baghdad, and the KRG to find a way to resume exports. Gulf Keystone Petroleum, which operates the 55,000 bpd Shaikan field in the KRI, said in a statement on Monday that its “facilities have storage capacity that allow continued production at a curtailed rate over the coming days, after which the company will suspend production”. DNO and Genel Energy, which also operate in the region, said they are currently storing oil in tanks, which can accommodate several days of production. Shamaran Petroleum, another operator, said in a statement: “The company will remain in close contact with the other oil producers in the Kurdistan Region and with relevant government officials, and will continue to monitor this situation closely.”

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Iraq demands KRG to hand over oil to SOMO

In the first meeting after the decision of the Paris Court, the Iraqi Oil Minister rejected the proposals of the Kurdistan Regional Government delegation, now the federal government is not dealing with the budget agreement, demanding the handover of oil to SOMO. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) delegation will return to Baghdad in the next two days.  A delegation from the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) arrived in Baghdad on Sunday to discuss upcoming steps and mechanisms of exporting the Region’s oil with the Iraqi oil ministry, following a decision from an arbitration court against Erbil’s independent oil exports. During the meeting the Iraqi Oil Ministry demands KRG to hand over oil to SOMO and they made it clear that "there must be compliance with the laws and the constitution, and the management of the oil topic must be in the hands of the federal government.”  

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Iraq wins arbitration case against Turkey over Kurdish oil exports, officials say

Iraq was officially informed by Turkey that an international arbitration court ruled in its favor in the long-running case against Ankara over Kurdish crude exports, in yet another blow to Iraq’s semi-autonomous Kurdish region. Turkey also said it will not allow shipments carrying crude from the Iraqi Kurdistan region to leave its coastal port of Ceyhan without the consent of the federal government in Baghdad, the source added. The case at the International Chamber of Commerce’s International Court of Arbitration in Paris has been running for almost nine years and centers on Iraq’s claim that Turkey has violated a 1973 pipeline transit agreement by allowing crude exports from Iraq’s Kurdish region without Baghdad’s consent. The dispute dates back to 2014 when the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), independent of Baghdad, connected its oilfields to the Turkish border crossing at Fishkhabor, tapping into the existing Iraq-Turkey Pipeline. The pipeline previously delivered crude from Iraq’s northern Kirkuk oilfield to Turkey’s port of Ceyhan. Iraq’s Kurdistan depends on crude oil exports through Turkey, and the Paris court ruling will further tighten the noose on Erbil, weakening its hand in negotiations with Baghdad over an authoritative legal framework for the country’s oil sector. The government of prime minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani and the KRG have held several rounds of talks to try and reach a solution. Al-Sudani’s government, however, is now armed with the Paris court ruling in addition to Iraq’s federal court ruling from February 2022 that declared Kurdistan Regional Government’s oil and gas legislation “unconstitutional”. The federal court also invalidated the KRG’s contracts with foreign oil firms. Baghdad, ever since, has been trying to bring Kurdistan’s energy resources under federal control. The country’s oil ministry last year said US companies are in the process of liquidating and exiting tenders and contracts in Kurdistan to comply with the federal supreme court decision. Additionally, major trading firm Trafigura at the end of January severed ties with the KRG, a step that will only exacerbate the Kurdistan region’s challenges and complicate its ability to market its crude.  

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February oil sales rise on higher northern exports

Increase of 94,000 bpd mainly due to higher volumes of both KRG and federal exports via Turkey. Iraq’s nationwide crude oil exports rose to 3.738 million barrels per day (bpd) in February after slumping in January to 3.644 million bpd, according to preliminary data from the Oil Ministry and industry officials. The increase came mostly from Iraq's northern exports, despite earthquakes in early February that temporarily took exports offline. According to Oil Ministry data, the semi-autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) boosted oil sales to to 443,000 bpd — an increase of 65,000 bpd compared to the prior month — and the federal government's exports via the KRG-controlled pipeline system to Turkey averaged 101,000 bpd, an increase of 21,000 bpd.

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'Iraq is not an Islamic country': Minorities protest Baghdad's alcohol ban as unconstitutional

The Iraqi government's renewed effort to prohibit alcohol is not only worrisome for Christian and Yazidi minorities, but also raises constitutionality questions. Draw Media, Al-Monitor Iraq officially banned the import, production and sale of alcoholic beverages of all kinds on March 4, in a repeat of a ban that was passed in 2016, but its implementation was paused  due to strong objections from secularists and minorities at the time. The new law imposes fines for violations of between 10 million and 25 million dinars ($7,700-$19,000). Last month, the law instituting the ban was published in Iraq's official gazette, paving the way for implementation. The coalition of new Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who took office last October, is dominated by Shiite Islamist parties and militias in the so-called Coordination Framework who support the ban.  Now, with the law going into effect, liquor stores are still open in Baghdad, Erbil and other parts of the country. But some Iraqis, especially those from the Yazidi and Christian communities, are raising concerns.   'Not an Islamic country' Iraq has great religious diversity. The majority of the population is Shiite and Sunni Muslims, but there are also sizable communities of Christians, Yazidis, Zorastrians, Mandaeans and others. Some analysts believe the law is a step toward turning Iraq into an Islamic country. "This is ethnic discrimination," Diya Butros, an activist in the predominantly Chaldean Catholic town of Ankawa, told Al-Monitor. "It's a violation of the rights of non-Muslim religions that do not forbid alcohol." Ali Saheb, an Iraqi political analyst, told Independent Arabia on March 6 that Iraq is not an Islamic country, and "Some religions allow drinking alcohol, and the government cannot impose a certain opinion or ideology on others." Unlike Islam, the Yazidi and Christian faiths do not forbid alcohol consumption. Some even use it in their religious rituals.  Others argue the law violates the Iraqi constitution, which guarantees personal, religious and cultural freedom. Mirza Dinnayi is a Yazidi activist and chairman of Luftbrucke Irak, a non-governmental organization that helps victims of conflict in Iraq. He told Al-Monitor, "The law is contrary to the constitution because Iraq is a multi-ethnic, -religious and -cultural country, and drinking alcohol is not prohibited for many."  Dinnayi also argued that if alcohol drinkers turn to other alternatives, the ban could provide an opportunity for the spread of drug use “The majority of Muslim countries do not ban alcohol, but rather regulate it. Why doesn’t the Iraqi government do something similar, instead of banning it totally?”  The law is especially troublesome for Yazidis and Christians, who manage the overwhelming majority of alcohol shops in the country. Many Christians and Yazidis have been attacked in recent years for working in this sector, and some fear this law could lead to an increase in violence against them. It is therefore unsurprising that Iraqi civil society groups have come out strongly against the law. More than 1,000 prominent Iraqi researchers, academics, journalists and activists drafted an open letter to the secretary general of the United Nations earlier this month criticizing the ban.  In addition to the objections on constitutional grounds, the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq may reject the law. The Kurdistan Region is home to much of Iraq's Christian and foreign population, particularly in Ankawa and the nearby regional capital Erbil. A KRG customs official told the Kurdish news outlet Rudaw earlier this month that they reserve the right to make their own decision on the ban.  Religious authorities' views The law is religiously motivated by the Islamic prohibition on alcohol, but Shiite religious authorities did not play a role in it. The highest religious authority for Iraq's Shiite majority, in the holy city of Najaf, is headed by Ayatollah Ali Sistani. Throughout the 21st century, Sistani has vocally supported a civil state and rejected the imposition of religion.  Sistani has not commented on the law, but a prominent cleric told Al-Monitor that the religious authority in Najaf is against this legislation or any similar action. “The religious authority in Najaf has been always calling for a ‘civil state’ in Iraq, rejecting any kind of imposition of religiosity in the state institution,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity.    The source referred to stances taken by Sistani in the past, such as when he rejected the Personal Status Law in 2013 due to its imposition of Sharia, as well as the leader's rejection of displaying religious symbols in state offices.  When asked about Sistani's current silence, the cleric said, “Sistani had made it very clear for a long time that he is against such a law, and there is no need to repeat the same thing.” With corruption and militia control rampant in Iraq, however, many worry that the ban will drive Iraqis to the black market to purchase alcohol. In this context, the ban may increase drug smuggling into the country, as well as encourage other forms of substance abuse.   

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Report Reveals Only One Million Iraqi Women Are Employed

According to this United Nations report, women’s participation rates in the global labour market between the ages of 25 and 54 increased in the 1990s to between 60 and 85 percent. Unfortunately, this has not been the case for Iraqi women, whereby women’s entry into the labour market is a huge challenge in Iraq.  Increasing women’s participation in the labour force would improve the productive capacity of the country and support economic growth. In turn, this could help give women the ability to express their opinion in society and play a leading role in the family. To date, there is little research that explores the reason for the decline in women’s participation in the labour force in Iraq. Despite the importance of the subject, research that has been conducted is on a limited scale. The latest report in 2021 was conducted by the International Labor Organization, in cooperation with the Ministry of Planning, and the Central Statistical Organization. The report shockingly revealed that “there are 13 million women within the working age, of whom only one million are engaged in work.” Iraqi Women’s Participation in the Labour Force in Numbers Those aged 15 and older, who are of working age, account for 6.63% of the total population of Iraq. Men constitute 50.3% and women are 49.7% – almost half of the country’s population. Unfortunately, this percentage is not reflected in women’s participation in the labour force, nor in equal access to resources and opportunities. According to the 2021 Labor Force Survey in Iraq, the percentage of the labour force in Iraq reached 39.5% of the total population of working age. Men accounted for 86.6% while women were only 13.4%. The labour force participation rate for women was 10.6%, compared to 68% for males. These rates are among the lowest rates of female labour participation in the world. This significant decrease in women’s labour force participation is due to several reasons, including Iraq’s instability, a lack of culturally sensitive spaces, financial constraints, and a competitive job market with few jobs available. In addition to the unemployment rate, which reached 16.5% in Iraq, the above graphic shows that there is one unemployed person for every 5 people. On the other hand, the female unemployment rate reached 28%, which is double the male unemployment rate of 14%. According to the results of the Ministry of Planning / Central Statistical Organization, women tend to be more concentrated in the fields of services (73%) and agriculture (14%), compared to 62% and 7%, respectively, for men. The results also showed that the following sectors are male dominated: Construction and related professions Protection services Drivers of cars, trucks and motorcyclists Sales representatives While the professions dominated by women are: Primary education and kindergarten High school Garment industry and related professions As for the preferences of work sectors, 71% of women prefer to work in the government sector, while 29% of them prefer to work in the private sector. While for men, 34% of them prefer to work in the government sector and 65% of them prefer to work in the private sector. Steps to Expand the Scope of Women’s Work The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report indicated that Iraq ranked 154 out of 156 countries in the Global Gender Gap Index for the year 2021. These numbers show the seriousness and importance of the issue. Unless real and decisive steps are taken to support women, Iraqi women will continue to fall behind. Institutions must work together to reduce the gap by developing female talent for the industries of the future. Additionally, the government must develop legislation for early marriage and childbearing, as is the case in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which has placed women as a priority in the labour market, in both its private and public sectors, and in all aspects of life. Removing these disparities would reduce the unemployment rate, raise the level of women’s participation, enhance competition among jobseekers, revitalise the efforts of many vital sectors and ultimately grow the country’s GDP. In The End Women have an important and active role in society, and they represent half of it! Despite the limited opportunities and obstacles faced, many Iraqi women have proven that they can be successful and contributing members of society. But the question is, where does the problem lie in these statistics? The percentage of women’s participation in the labour market in developing countries, including Iraq, is less than the global average, noting that the percentage of women’s participation in developed countries is more than 67%. What Iraqi women need today is not limited to increasing available job opportunities, but we must also realise the many complexities and challenges that women face in the labour market. And as the data has highlighted, we need to facilitate women’s participation in the workforce by addressing social norms, establishing sound policies, and real commitment to implement these frameworks across the country. Today, we live in a rapidly evolving digital world where the digital economy can provide more opportunities for women to be involved in the workforce, and create new job opportunities that women can easily adapt to. This work has been done by the support of MiCT organisation and Germany cooperation GIZ Iraq. 

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Iraq issues arrest warrants for four former officials over heist of the century

Iraq’s judiciary issued arrest warrants on Saturday for four former officials who are accused of facilitating the theft of $2.5 billion in public funds in one of the country’s biggest-ever corruption scandals. An investigating judge in Baghdad has “issued arrest warrants for four senior officials of the former government”, the government’s anti-corruption agency said in a statement. The four men, who include a former finance minister and staff members of former prime minister Mustafa al-Kadhemi, are all living outside the country, according to an official at the agency who spoke on condition of anonymity. The warrants do not name any of the officials, but according to the official, they are former finance minister Ali Allawi, the director of cabinet Raed Jouhi, personal secretary Ahmed Najati, and adviser Mushrik Abbas. Allawi, a respected politician and academic, resigned in August last year. When the scandal broke a few months later, he denied all responsibility. Al-Kadhemi defended his record on fighting corruption, saying his government had discovered the case, launched an investigation and taken legal action. The case, which has been dubbed “the heist of the century”, sparked outrage in oil-rich Iraq, which critics say is plagued by corruption. At least $2.5 billion was stolen between September 2021 and August 2022 through 247 cheques that were cashed by five companies. The money was then withdrawn in cash from the accounts of these companies, most of whose owners are on the run. The four men are accused of “facilitating the embezzlement of sums belonging to the tax authorities,” the statement said, adding that they would also be subject to an asset freeze. The country’s current Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani has vowed to crack down on corruption since his appointment in late October.

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Iraq: Disintegration of Coordination Framework, or New Early Elections

Asharq Al-Awsat, Draw Media Sources close to influential parties in Iraq point that the political equation that brought about the government of Mohammad Shia al-Sudani will undergo sharp changes.   The sources cited various circumstances, the most important of which is the highly probable return of the leader of As-Sadr movement, Muqtada al-Sadr, to the political arena, and the sharp divisions among the poles of the Coordination Framework.   Shiite parties are trying to anticipate “unexpected big turns” by drawing a new map that may include setting a date for early elections and reaching an understanding with al-Sadr on the next stage.   According to informed sources, the relationship between Sudani and the Framework has become “turbulent and lacking coordination.”   “Al-Sudani and the Framework are both working in opposite directions, and each side looks at the other in a way of domination, not cooperation,” the sources said.   Local media claimed that Al-Sudani would resort to a cabinet reshuffle that might include partisan figures with whom Washington has banned dealings, due to their association with the armed factions. However, Iraqi politicians, who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat, said that the premier’s intention was linked to the conflict within the Coordination Framework.   In a video broadcast on state television, Sudani appeared to be criticizing the performance of some ministers, noting that others had received threats from their parties.   The Iraqi prime minister had never made such frank statements publicly, which were seen by local public opinion as directed at the Framework coalition.   “A minister’s relationship with the political forces ends after he is nominated and gains the confidence of parliament [...]. Whoever feels pressured or threatened, I am here,” he said.   Questions arise on the status of the Framework, and whether it is able to remain united in supporting the government that it formed.   A leader in the Framework said: “Al-Sadr is ready to move, and everything he does raises the anxiety of the leaders of the Shiite parties, while they got involved in major disputes over the sphere of influence within the government.”   Meanwhile, US Ambassador to Baghdad Alina Romanowski, held several meetings with anti-Washington Shiite leaders, such as the leader of Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq and the deputy speaker of parliament, Mohsen al-Mandalawi.   Although the official statements issued at the end of those meetings were brief in general, the atmosphere of “the coordination framework and the sharp polarization between its parties indicate an accelerated movement that paves the way for a new phase,” as stated by a Shiite leader who assumed a high position in the two previous governments.

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