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Iraqi Prime Minister Supports Indefinite U.S. Troop Presence

The Wall Street Journal In an interview, Mohammed al-Sudani says foreign forces are still needed to fight Islamic State Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani defended the presence of U.S. troops in his country and set no timetable for their withdrawal, signaling a less confrontational posture toward Washington early in his term than his Iran-backed political allies have taken. “We think that we need the foreign forces,” Mr. Sudani said in his first U.S. interview since taking office in October, referring to the American and North Atlantic Treaty Organization troop contingents that train and assist Iraqi units in countering Islamic State but largely stay out of combat. “Elimination of ISIS needs some more time,” he added.

Iraq Sees $115 Billion From Oil Revenue Last Year

Draw Media, Oilprice Iraq raked in more than $115 billion in oil revenues last year, according to figures released by the country’s oil ministry this week. That figure stems from crude oil exports of 1.209 billion barrels last year, or an average of 3.320 million barrels per day. The figures were released a day after Iraq’s National Security Agency said that investigations into crude oil and oil products smuggling to the tune of roughly 470,000 barrels per month are ongoing, with 49 standing accused, including officers, associates, traders, and smugglers. Iraq said last October that it had dismantled the largest oil smuggling network in Basra Governorate. At the time, Prime Minister Mohammed Shiyaa Al-Sudani vowed to “track down oil smuggling networks and implement arrest warrants against gangs that dared to steal the rights of Iraqis.” The smugglers stole and smuggled the oil by making holes in crude oil export lines in the Zubair oilfield. Some of the accused are senior officers from the Energy Police Forces tasked with protecting the oil infrastructure. But the smuggling didn’t stop Iraq’s oil revenues from reaching what was a four-year high after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine sent oil prices higher. As OPEC’s second-largest crude oil producer, generating 4.5 million bpd in Q3, oil revenues account for nearly all of Baghdad’s income. Iraq’s oil revenues fell in 2020 to just $42 billion, according to Al-Monitor, as Saudi Arabia and Russia’s oil price war collided with the start of the Covid-19 pandemic, tanking crude oil prices. In 2021, Iraq’s oil revenues rebounded to $75.6 billion. Iraq is home to the world’s fifth-largest proven oil reserves, holding 145 billion barrels, and is China’s third-largest source of crude oil, behind only Saudi Arabia and Russia.

Iraq exports over 100 mln barrels of crude oil in Dec

The Iraqi Oil Ministry announced oil revenues and sales in December • Oil revenues reached (7 billion 606 million) dollars, or (11 trillion 400 billion) dinars • The average amount of crude oil exports reached (103 million 281 million 459 thousand) barrels 3 million 331 thousand barrels of oil were sold daily. - The average price of oil in December reached $ 73,644 a barrel. Iraq's oil revenue in November exceeded $8 billion The Iraqi Oil Ministry announced oil revenues and sales in November • Oil revenues in November reached (8 billion 231 million) dollars, or (11 trillion 934 billion) dinars • The average amount of crude oil exports reached (99 million 867 million 946 thousand) barrels 3 million 329 thousand barrels of oil were sold daily. - The average price of oil in November reached $ 82.4 a barrel.

Iraq could be dragged into unfinished US business in Mideast: after Ukraine in 2022, a new conflict could erupt in 2023

It was a good year to bury bad news – and bad deeds – as a clutch of dictators, assorted killers and repressive or anti-democratic regimes can testify. In Myanmar, Yemen, Mali, Nicaragua, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia and Afghanistan, to name a few crisis zones, egregious abuses and unrelieved misery attracted relatively scant, perfunctory international scrutiny. The main reason for 2022’s blinkered perspectives is, of course, Ukraine, Europe’s biggest conflict since 1945. This is not to say war-torn Tigray or Guatemala, strangled slowly by corruption, would otherwise have made global headline news. Hard truth: western interest in developing-world conflicts is generally limited. Yet Ukraine, as viewed from Europe and North America, and trumping other strategic and humanitarian crises, has monopolised political and media attention, aid and assistance efforts, and the popular imagination to an unprecedented degree. Knock-on cost of living increases ensured the war hit home in the west. All the same, other international crises, actual or looming, will demand increased attention and resources in 2023. Three geopolitical battlegrounds in particular may be harder to ignore: China’s domineering behaviour in east Asia, the Middle East quagmire, and US-Europe tensions. Whether extraneous events and shifting priorities will ultimately undermine Ukraine’s ability to resist and defeat Russia is unknowable at this point. That they will do so is surely Vladimir Putin’s best hope. For all their admirable courage, Ukrainians are more dependent than ever on unstinting western, principally US, support going into a second year of war. Could they find themselves increasingly sidelined, especially if the war descends into prolonged stalemate? Rising military tensions in east Asia require particular attention, as illustrated by Japan’s stunning decision to roughly double defence spending. Japan is ninth in the world in military expenditure. It now prospectively moves up to third, behind the US and China. More significantly, this shift marks a sharp break, if not an end, to Japan’s post-1945 pacifist tradition, which forbade, for example, involvement in overseas conflicts. Remarkably, polls suggest strong public support. What is driving this change? The same factors that have induced South Korea and other regional countries to raise their game militarily, prompted the formation of Aukus ( the Australia, UK and US security pact) and are feeding deeper cooperation within the Quad (the US, India, Japan and Australia). All these countries harbour a common fear: China. Beijing is aggressively extending its regional military reach. It is pursuing old territorial disputes with neighbours, including Japan and India, and creating new ones in the South China Sea. Last week, its forces again laid aerial siege to Taiwan. Head-on (as opposed to covert) Israel-Iran military confrontation could be one result of a final western rupture with Tehran Well-founded worries that China could attempt, in 2023, to make good Xi Jinping’s threat to seize Taiwan by force keep Pentagon wargamers busy. Could the US realistically take on China as well as Russia, effectively defending Taiwan and Ukraine at the same time? When Gen Mark Milley, chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff, recently suggested Ukraine consider peace talks, this nightmare scenario of war on two fronts was possibly on his mind. Perhaps he, like Japan, was also thinking about a third potential adversary – North Korea and its proliferating nuclear-capable missiles and drones. The Middle East, for decades at the heart of US foreign policy, has been relatively neglected since George W Bush’s Iraq debacle and Barack Obama’s Syria cop-out. Yet 2023 could be the year when a host of problems arising from this American distancing comes to a head. Benny Gantz, Israel’s outgoing defence minister, last week predicted further, bloody escalation in the occupied West Bank resulting from prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision to give ministerial authority over the area to his anti-Arab coalition partners. Violence involving the Israeli army, Jewish settlers and Palestinians hit record levels in 2022. Iran is near boiling point, too, owing to sweeping anti-government protests – and because nuclear talks with the west face imminent collapse. Even if Iran makes dramatic concessions, it is hard to see the US president, Joe Biden, cutting a deal with a regime that actively murders and tortures its young women. Head-on (as opposed to covert) Israel-Iran military confrontation could be one result of a final western rupture with Tehran. That in turn could draw in Iraq and Syria – more unfinished US business – as well as Russia. Meanwhile, Turkey’s electorally challenged leader, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, may attack Syria-based Kurds again – to distract attention from his domestic blunders. Ukrainians wondering what 2023 may bring have good cause to worry about US-European unity and staying power, too. Splits among EU countries over negotiations with Russia may widen as the war grinds on. And there’s growing resentment in Washington that the US is taking most of the risks in Ukraine and paying the lion’s share of the costs ($48bn and counting), while the Europeans supposedly revert to piggybacking. More broadly, transatlantic ties are being tested anew by protectionist elements in Biden’s landmark trade and tech legislation that have outraged Brussels. A more fundamental, surprising question, as the 2024 presidential election looms, concerns the robustness and integrity of American democracy in the Donald Trump era. Who knows? Perhaps Putin will be ignominiously deposed. Perhaps Biden and Xi will kiss and make up. Perhaps peace in Palestine is not a mirage after all. One thing is certain in 2023. Ukraine will still receive more support and attention than Afghanistan and dozens of poorer, similarly embattled, less strategically important countries put together. As the big powers fight their global battles, misery and mayhem in these less favoured nations will persist, largely unchecked and unnoticed. Happy new year! (By Simon Tisdall for the Guardian)

Iraq football body launches ticket sales for Gulf Cup

Iraq football body launches ticket sales for Gulf Cup Tickets have been placed on sale for the upcoming Gulf Cup tournament in Iraq Iraq's football federation has launched ticket sales for the 25th Gulf Cup, the first regional football competition to be hosted by the country for more than 40 years. The Cup brings together the hosts as well as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Yemen, Bahrain, Oman and the United Arab Emirates. It will be held in Iraq's southern city of Basra from January 6-19. Hosting the event is a major challenge for Iraq, which has experienced decades of conflict and upheaval, and whose security situation remains fragile. "Today, we are launching the sale of Gulf-25 tickets," Adnan Dirjal, head of Iraq's football federation, told a press conference in Basra on Saturday. The federation shared a link for the ticketing website on its Facebook page, with prices ranging from $10-$30. Earlier this month, Iraqi authorities announced they were scrapping visa fees for fans entering Iraq for the competition. The move seeks to attract football fans from across the Gulf region, particularly Kuwait, whose border with Iraq lies less than 50 kilometres (30 miles) from Basra. One of the city's stadiums has a capacity of 65,000, while the second can hold 30,000 fans and will be inaugurated on Monday with a friendly between two local clubs from Iraq and Kuwait. Football's governing body FIFA earlier this year lifted a ban on international competitions in Iraq that had been in place for years due to security concerns. In January, Baghdad's packed Al-Madina Stadium hosted a friendly between the Iraqi team and Uganda, the first international match in the capital since 2013, FIFA said at the time. Iraq first hosted the Gulf Cup in Baghdad in 1979, when it also won the tournament. The country was set to hold the Cup's 2014 edition but it was instead shifted to Saudi Arabia.

Iraq's Central Bank moves to strengthen dinar against US dollar

Draw Media, Al-Monitor Iraq's Central Bank has a new plan to increase the value of the Iraqi dinar against the US dollar. The bank released a statement this week outlining the plan. The measures are as follows: • Reducing the US dollar to Iraqi dinar exchange rate for travel or internet purchases from 1,470 dinars to 1,465. • Helping private banks strengthen their foreign currency reserves that are not the US dollar. The Central Bank specifically named the Chinese yuan, the euro, the Emirati dirham and the Jordanian dinar. • Providing options to the public for selling foreign currencies in government banks for the purpose of travel for the Hajj pilgrimage, medical treatment and study. What it means: For years, the official rate of the US dollar to the Iraqi dinar was $1 to 1,182 dinars. Both dollars and dinars are used in Iraq, and the rate on the street was often rounded up to 1,200 dinars to the dollar. In December 2020, Iraq's Central Bank lowered the dinars’ exchange rate to 1,470 dinars to the dollar for individuals and 1,460 for banks. The decision was due to a liquidity crisis, low oil prices and economic hardship related to the coronavirus pandemic. Central banks often devalue their own currency in a bid to boost exports. Exporting something priced in the local currency becomes cheaper in foreign currencies. Iraq’s major export, however, is oil, and oil is priced in US dollars. Another reason a country may devalue its currency is to reduce local debt burdens. Any US dollars Iraq collects, such as via oil revenue, are now worth a larger amount in dinars. This makes more sense in the case of Iraq, since the low oil prices in 2020 led to less government revenue converted to dinars. The Iraqi government wanted to increase its cash amount with the devaluation, the Iraqi Kurdish news outlet reported in 2020. Any US dollars that the government receives are now worth more in dinars. Devaluing currency has significant downsides. Argentina's peso devaluation has been a disaster, leading to a liquidity crisis in the South American country. Why it matters: Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who took office in October, has said he wants to increase the value of the Iraqi dinar. “The interests of the needy were not taken into consideration in devaluing Iraq's currency. We tend not to repeat that in this Cabinet,” said Sudani in November, as reported by Kurdistan 24. For Iraqis who are paid in dollars, the devaluation potentially gives them more purchasing power. But people paid in dinars may lose purchasing power, since imports and exports are paid for in dollars. A devaluation also means imported goods are more expensive in the local currency. Like other countries in the region, the Iraqi economy has suffered as a result of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The war led to food and fuel price increases in Iraq. Know more: Other central banks in the Middle East are also showing increased interest in the Chinese yuan. Saudi Arabia is considering pricing oil sales to China in yuan, as opposed to the US dollar. Egypt decided in August to issue bonds denominated in yuan. In April, the Bank of Israel added Chinese yuan as well as Australian and Canadian dollars to its reserves.

Iraq's revenue from oil exports reaches 99 billion $, SOMO

Iraqi oil revenues from crude oil reached 99 billion dollars in the first 10 months of 2022. According to the State Organization for Marketing of Oil (SOMO), Iraqi exported oil revenues amounted to 99,466,996 dollars. 70.6% more than the same period in 2021. SOMO reported the highest revenue in May 2022 (11,477,514,000 dollars,) while in January, Iraq recorded the lowest income, reaching (8,322,679,000 dollars) It is worth noting that Iraq is the second-largest crude oil producer in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) after Saudi Arabia. It holds the world's fifth-largest proven crude oil reserves. In addition, most of Iraq's major known fields–all located onshore–are producing or developing. According to the World Bank, Iraq is one of the most oil‑dependent countries in the world. Over the last decade, oil revenues have accounted for more than 99% of exports, 85% of the government's budget, and 42% of gross domestic product (GDP).

Iraq-Iran ties likely to improve under new Iraqi PM

Draw, al-monitor Iran played a key role in helping form the new Iraqi government. Iraq's new government under Prime Minister Mohammad Shia al-Sudani is likely to be on better terms with Iran than the previous government. The Coordination Framework, the coalition which brought Sudani to office last week, and which consists of Iran-backed groups and paramilitary factions, was able to form the government after Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr — an Iraqi nationalist who has long been critical of Iran — withdrew his bloc from parliament this past June. Sadr, who won the largest number of seats in last year’s elections, was unable to form a government after over one-third of lawmakers boycotted sessions to select the president. Since choosing the president precedes the selection of a prime minister and requires two-thirds of lawmakers to be present for the vote, the so-called "blocking third" stalled the government's formation. During the deadlock, Iran was supporting the Coordination Framework to be part of the government and pushing Sadr to include them in any potential Cabinet. Yet Sadr’s exit from parliament opened the path for the Coordination Framework, the next biggest winner in the elections, to form a government, giving Iran and its allies in Iraq an exceptional opportunity to see a government in Baghdad without Sadr. Iranian authorities have not hidden their satisfaction with the new government under the leadership of Sudani. Commander-in-Chief of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Hossein Salami, speaking at a funeral for victims of last week's terrorist attack in Shiraz, spoke about the numerous failures of the United States in the region, including the inability of the government formation project in Iraq, praising Iran’s role in forming the new government. Tehran’s Ambassador to Baghdad Mohammad Kazem Ale-Sadegh was also quick to pay a visit to Sudani on Oct. 30, expressing Iran’s support for him and his government. Ale-Sadegh conveyed the Iranian leadership’s congratulations to Sudani, saying that Tehran hoped to enhance the relationship between the two countries. Sudani was the preferred candidate for prime minister of pro-Iran groups in Iraq and the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) in particular. He is a confidant of former prime ministers Nouri al-Maliki and Haidar al-Abadi, having helmed several ministries under their governments. The new cabinet also includes several members of the PMU as well as figures close to them and supported by them. This includes the new Minister of Higher Education Naim Al-Aboudi, who was previously the official spokesman of Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq, and Minister of Labor and Social Affairs Ahmad Al-Asadi, who was a former official spokesman for the PMU. Moreover, newly elected President Abdul Latif Rashid was the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan's candidate for this position, and the PUK maintains a close relationship with the Iranian government. Therefore, it appears the new government will have a greater desire to boost relations with Iran — unlike the previous government, which leaned more toward international interactions and connections with Arab neighbors such as Jordan, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. This direction was evident in the recent meeting between Sudani and Ale-Sadeq, who both emphasized the importance of cooperation and coordination between Iraq and Iran in order to promote sustainable development in the interest of the two friendly nations and for all the people of the region. They also examined bilateral relations of the two neighboring countries and the development of mutual cooperation at different levels and fields. It is expected that Iran will push to finalize the railway connection between the two countries, which would give Iran a chance to reach the Mediterranean Sea through Iraq and then Syria (a close ally of Iran). Tehran could also push Baghdad to remain dependent on it to produce electricity instead of the diversification of energy resources that the previous government was working on, such as focusing on the electricity grid connection with the Gulf states, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Egypt. It seems that the US government is showing more tolerance for this direction due to the current energy crisis in the West. Prior to becoming prime minister, Sudani emphasized in an interview with The Wall Street Journal that he would not go along with OPEC+ in reducing oil production. He stated that Iraq needs more production to recover its damaged economy. At their 33rd meeting in Vienna, OPEC+ agreed to cut production by 2 million barrels per day, which the United States fears will lead to higher global energy prices and help Russia finance its war in Ukraine. If Iraq moves toward increasing oil production, this could reduce the negative impact of the recent OPEC+ decision. Also, a more pro-Iran government in Iraq could open space for Iranian oil smuggling and other ways of circumventing sanctions through Iraq, as was happening before the Kadhimi government, which was able to reduce it. This would ultimately provide more oil and work to support to Western energy demands.

Iraq's new government unlikely to solve crises

Draw Media, (AFP) Iraq's parliament has approved the government of Prime Minister Mohamed Shia al-Sudani after more than a year of political paralysis, but the war-ravaged country is far from reaching safe shores. Sudani now faces the gargantuan task of delivering on pledges to fight corruption and offer job opportunities to the country's disaffected youth, all while grappling with an unpredictable political opponent. In a bid to dispel criticism over his pro-Iran political backers in parliament, he has also vowed not to "adopt the polarised politics" of the past that saw Iraq split amongst fiercely rival camps. But oil-rich Iraq has for years suffered rampant corruption preventing the adequate distribution of funds, and analysts predict no imminent end to the country's protracted crises. Will anything change? Sudani and his 21-member cabinet gained the confidence of lawmakers Thursday, in a vote that came more than a year after the country's last legislative election. The key step was welcomed by UN chief Antonio Guterres, his spokesman Stephane Dujarric said Friday. The legislature is dominated by the Coordination Framework, a bloc made up mainly of pro-Iran factions including the former paramilitary Hashed al-Shaabi. Also, part of the Framework is former premier Nuri al-Maliki, the longtime rival of firebrand Shiite cleric Moqtada Sadr, who has been involved in heated duels with the bloc all year. Sadr, who has the ability to mobilise tens of thousands of his supporters with a single message, has already refused to join Sudani's government. Under a power-sharing system adopted in Iraq in the aftermath of the 2003 US-led invasion, cabinet posts are shared between Iraq's ethnic and confessional communities. As such, 12 ministers are Shiites hailing from the Coordination Framework, six are Sunnis, two are Kurds and one is a Christian, with two other ministries reserved for Kurds yet to be filled. The new government has come to power "via the same methods as previous governments, with the same blocs and the same parties" that have dominated politics since the 2003 toppling of dictator Saddam Hussein, political analyst Ali Baidar said. And these parties "view the country's resources and capabilities as spoils that they can divide between themselves". New elections? But the new cabinet lacks the support of a crucial faction -- that of Sadr. Tensions between the Coordination Framework and Sadr came to a head in late August, when more than 30 of the cleric's supporters were killed in clashes with Iran-backed factions and the army. Sadr has repeatedly demanded early elections, but the Framework sought to ensure that a government was in place before any polls were held. Sudani has promised to "modify the election law within three months and organise elections within a year", in an apparent response to Sadr's demands. Granting concessions to the Sadrists could guarantee a "relative stability", according to Ihsan al-Shammari, a political scientist at the University of Baghdad. In contrast, Lahib Higel of the Brussels-based International Crisis Group think tank, believes "the parties behind the current government are not interested in holding early elections" and that "a year is unrealistic." But Shammari pointed to the possibility of an "extreme reaction" if the Sadrists feel "isolated" or that "there is a plan to undermine their political future". Domestic or foreign policy? Sudani has said he will urgently work on improvements and developments that "affect the lives of citizens". Memories are fresh of the nationwide anti-government protests against endemic corruption that erupted in October 2019, and on Friday, hundreds gathered to demonstrate against the new government in the southern city of Nasiriyah. In terms of foreign policy, Sudani has reiterated vows not to "allow Iraq to be a base for attacks on other countries". He has added that he would not engage past power struggles between rival camps, and instead pursue a policy of "friendship and cooperation with all". Higel said she expects that Sudani "will make internal issues such as unemployment, water and electric scarcity his priority rather than focusing on foreign policy". In an Iraq desperately in need of foreign investment, he "will try to seek a balance between the West and Iran", despite his staunchly pro-Iran support base, the analyst said. But in a country often caught in the crosshairs of regional conflicts -- having recently been the target of both Turkish and Iranian strikes -- "balance" may not be enough, Shammari said. Iraq must "demand respect for its sovereignty and non-interference in its domestic affairs", he said.

Baghdad court annuls three more KRG contracts

Kurdistan's contracts with Addax, ShaMaran, and Gulf Keystone have been ruled invalid; cases against Dana Gas and Gazprom Neft are ongoing. A court in Baghdad has invalidated three more of the Kurdistan Regional Government's (KRG) oil contracts, marking a further escalation in the federal government's campaign to establish authority over the KRG's independently managed oil and gas sector. At a hearing Sunday at the Karkh Commercial Court, Judge Mohammed Ali Mahmoud Nadeem issued decisions to annul the contracts of China's Addax Petroleum, Canada's ShaMaran Petroleum, and UK-listed Gulf Keystone, according to multiple officials who have seen the written rulings. The court has not yet ruled in lawsuits against the UAE's Dana Gas and Russia's Gazprom Neft. A previous set of rulings by Nadeem to annul four other KRG oil contracts has not had any practical effect on those projects, because the KRG controls its own security forces and has rejected the authority of the federal courts. Most oil companies in Kurdistan are operating as usual and even expanding their investment plans.

Iraq calls Russian companies to explore oil in new areas

Head of the technical department in the Iraqi Ministry of Oil, Ali Ward Hammoud, stated on Friday that Iraq is interested in the partnership with Russian oil companies, and called Russian companies to participate in exploring oil in new areas, according to Sputnik News. Hammoud, in a statement to Sputnik, said that plans will be drawn up in the near future to develop oil fields such as Eridu oilfield and Salman oilfield to accelerate their commercial production. “The production from the new oil wells discovered in Eridu oilfield is expected to be 200 thousand barrel per day. The Salman oilfield operated by Bashneft company is now in the evaluation stage, but there are evidences that its production capacity will be high,” Hammoud explained. Eridu is a conventional oil development located onshore Iraq and is operated by the Russian oil company, Lukoil. Discovered in 2017, the Eridu project will include the drilling of approximately 13 wells. The Salman oilfield is located in the Najaf and Muthanna governorates, approximately 80 kilometers southwest of Samnawa city and about 130 kilometers west of Nasriya. The block where Salman oilfield is located covers an area of around eight thousand square kilometers, and it is in the underexplored Salman tectonic zone. 30 percent of the development of Salman oilfield was granted to Bashneft, 40 percent to Premier Oil and 30 percent to PetroVietnam. Bashneft subsequently took over Premier Oil’s allocation to acquire 70 percent of the development. Hammoud elaborated that the initial production from Eridu oilfield is expected to take place in 2025. “I guess the Russian companies will have a share in the new licenses for the unexplored areas,” Hammoud said commenting on new development projects.

Five Iraqi companies have stolen $2.5 billion

Draw Media The owner of one of the companies that withdrew $2.5 billion from the branches of Rafideen Bank is a Kurd named (Hussein Kawa Abdulqadir Brifkani), a resident of Erbil, and he is originally from Duhok. His company alone withdrew 477 billion dinars from the bank. According to reports prepared by the Financial, Integrity and Financial Monitoring Committees, taking 3 trillion and 700 billion dinars (2 billion and 500 million dollars) was carefully planned, and part of Rafidain bank officials were involved in the process. In a way that, they did even transfer a number of employees who were not willing to work with them for stealing the money. These companies worked for a company called The Chinses Consultancy. All five companies have just been established and among them there is a company which has a capital of only 2 million dinars, but has withdrawn 100 billion dinars at once The five companies that took the money: - Al-Ahdab General Trading Company withdrew 982 billion dinars - Riah Baghdad General Trading Company withdrew 477 billion dinars - Al-Qant General Contracting Company withdrew 1.185 trillion dinars - Al-Mabdoon Oil Services Company withdrew 433 billion 15 million dinars - Al-Masa Wine Company and General Trading Limited withdrew (624 billion) dinars. The owner of one of the companies is a Kurd According to the reports prepared so far on the case, the owner of one of the companies is a Kurd from Duhok which he is a resident of Erbil. The owner of Riah Baghdad General Trading Company is Hussein Kawa Abdulqadir. He is from Duhok and was born in 2001 The owner of this company has withdrawn money several times from both branches of Rafidain Bank (Hay Arab, Waziriyah) in Baghdad. The money he withdrew for the first time on 31/3/2022 was five checks, each one was (20) billion dinars, that is, only in the first time withdrew (100) billion dinars. The last time he withdrew four checks on 11/8/2022, three of them were worth (10) billion dinars, and the fourth checks were worth (15) billion dinars. The total amount of money withdrawn by the Kurdish-owned company (Riah Baghdad) is (477) billion dinars out of (3 trillion and 700) billion dinars.

Does Iraq have hope for change?

Draw Media, AFP Iraqi lawmakers have elected a new president who swiftly named a prime minister in the hope of ending a year of political gridlock and deadly violence. But major challenges lie ahead for the crisis-hit nation. – How will government talks play out? – Iraq’s parliament, dominated by the pro-Iran Coordination Framework of Shiite Muslim factions, elected on Thursday a new president, 78-year-old Kurdish former minister Abdul Latif Rashid. The new head of state moved immediately to task Shiite politician Mohammad Shia Al-Sudani with forming a government, capping a whole year of deadlock between major parties since Iraq last went to the polls in October 2021. In multi-ethnic, multi-confessional Iraq, where political alliances and coalitions constantly shift, divisions between feuding factions might resurface and complicate Al-Sudani’s efforts in the 30 days afforded to him to form a government capable of commanding a majority in parliament. In the past, constitutional deadlines have been routinely missed amid protracted political wrangling. “Once we start discussing who becomes minister, but even more critically who gains more leverage over the senior civil service, government agencies, state coffers — that’s when we will continue to see the fragmentation and stalemate play out,” said Renad Mansour of British think-tank Chatham House. He explained that Iraq is headed for “another power-sharing government”, where political parties will “try and divide the country’s wealth”. And the stakes are high. A colossal $87 billion in revenues from oil exports are locked up in the central bank’s coffers. The money can help rebuild infrastructure in the war-ravaged country, but it can only be invested after lawmakers approve a state budget presented by the government, once formed. – What will Sadr do? – The future government’s hands may be tied by influential Shiite cleric Moqtada Sadr, capable of mobilising tens of thousands of his supporters with a single tweet. In June, he had ordered the 73 lawmakers in his bloc to resign, leaving parliament in the hands of the rival Coordination Framework, which now controls 138 out of 329 seats in the legislature. This pro-Iranian alliance includes the political arm of the former paramilitary Hashed Al-Shaabi, as well as Sadr’s longtime rival, former prime minister Nuri Al-Maliki. Political analyst Ali Al-Baidar noted the Sadrist movement has kept uncharacteristically “quiet”. It may be that their leader has been “giving the political forces a chance”, but it could also be the result of “an agreement offering the movement some” government positions in return for their tacit approval of Al-Sudani’s nomination, Baidar said. Tensions between the two rival Shiite camps boiled over on August 29 when more than 30 Sadr supporters were killed in clashes with Iran-backed factions and the army in Baghdad’s Green Zone, which houses government buildings and diplomatic missions. “It remains a precarious state of affairs,” Mansour said. “Sadr will remain on the margins of the political scene, trying to disrupt and use protests to replace the political capital” he lost in parliament, the researcher added. Sadr is “hoping to force an early election using controlled instability as he always has, to maintain his power and leverage in negotiations. “But mistakes in the past few months have… put him in a difficult bargaining position,” Mansour continued. – Is there hope for change? – Political analyst Baidar said the “consensus” on Rashid’s appointment means a government will be formed relatively easily, but stressed the “colossal tasks” ahead. Nearly four out of 10 young Iraqis are unemployed and one-third of the oil-rich country’s population of 42 million lives in poverty, according to the United Nations. Prime minister-designate Al-Sudani vowed on Thursday to push through “economic reforms” that would revitalise Iraq’s industry, agriculture and private sector. He also promised to provide young Iraqis “employment opportunities and housing”. According to Baidar, a “growing” global interest in Iraqi politics — specifically from Washington, Paris and London — could “force politicians to perform better”. “While Iraq is by no means a poor country, private and partisan interests conspire to divert resources away from critical investment in national development,” UN envoy Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert told the Security Council last week. “Iraq’s political and governance system ignores the needs of the Iraqi people,” she charged. “Pervasive corruption is a major root cause of Iraqi dysfunctionality. And frankly, no leader can claim to be shielded from it.” A pessimistic Mansour said “public life will remain as it is”. “People will still not have their basic rights, water, healthcare, electricity.”

Kirkuk oil revenues and sales have increased

Draw Media Kirkuk's oil revenue has almost doubled from $105 million in August to $193 million in September. The export of Kirkuk oil fields in August was (1 million 109 thousand 528) barrels, the price of a barrel in the month was (95) dollars, the total revenue was (105 million 405 thousand) dollars The export of Kirkuk oil fields in September was (2 million 169 thousand 180) barrels and the price of a barrel in September was (88.83) dollars, the total revenue is (193 million) dollars. According to the Iraqi Oil Ministry, Kirkuk oil exports between August and September 2022 are as follows: • Kirkuk oil exports in September 2022: (2 million 169 thousand 180) barrels • Kirkuk oil exports in August 2022: (1 million 109 thousand 528) barrels The difference between August and September is 1 million 59 thousand 652 barrels. According to Darw, the decline in Kirkuk oil exports in August was due to two reasons: • Storage of oil produced in Kirkuk. • Domestic demand and increased production of domestic refineries. A source in the Kirkuk Oil Company told Darw: Kirkuk oil production on 31/8/2022 was (340 thousand barrels) distributed as follows: • 85,000 barrels of oil, by 25% of the production were stored in Kirkuk reservoirs. • (255 thousand) barrels used by (75%) as follows: - 49,000 barrels of oil have been exported to theTurkish Port of Jayhan, which is 14% of the total daily oil production of Kirkuk. - (206 thousand) barrels consumed domestically as follows: • (40,000) barrels for the refinery. • (39 thousand) barrels for Bazian refinery • (52,000) barrels for Beji refinery • The rest is for other refineries and power plants

Iraq's oil revenue in September was about $8.7 billion

Draw Media The Iraqi Oil Ministry announced oil revenues and sales in September • Oil revenues in September reached (8 billion 773 million) dollars, or (12 trillion 720 billion) dinars • The average amount of crude oil exported in September reached (98 million 765 thousand 153 thousand) barrels • 3 million 292 thousand barrels of oil were sold daily. • The average price of oil in September reached $ 88.83 a barrel. Oil revenues and sales in August • Oil revenues in August reached (9 billion 784 million) dollars, or (14 trillion 620 billion) dinars • The average amount of crude oil exports in August reached (101 million 859 thousand 528 thousand) barrels 3 million 286 thousand barrels of oil were sold daily. - The average price of oil reached $96 a barrel in August. Oil revenues and sales in July • Oil revenues in July reached (10 billion 608 million) dollars, or (15 trillion 381 billion) dinars • The average amount of crude oil exports in July reached (102 million 385 thousand 49 thousand) barrels 3 million 303 thousand barrels of oil were sold daily. - The average price of oil in July reached $ 103 a barrel. Iraq's oil revenue in September was about $8.7 billion Draw Media The Iraqi Oil Ministry announced oil revenues and sales in September • Oil revenues in September reached (8 billion 773 million) dollars, or (12 trillion 720 billion) dinars • The average amount of crude oil exported in September reached (98 million 765 thousand 153 thousand) barrels • 3 million 292 thousand barrels of oil were sold daily. • The average price of oil in September reached $ 88.83 a barrel. Oil revenues and sales in August • Oil revenues in August reached (9 billion 784 million) dollars, or (14 trillion 620 billion) dinars • The average amount of crude oil exports in August reached (101 million 859 thousand 528 thousand) barrels 3 million 286 thousand barrels of oil were sold daily. - The average price of oil reached $96 a barrel in August. Oil revenues and sales in July • Oil revenues in July reached (10 billion 608 million) dollars, or (15 trillion 381 billion) dinars • The average amount of crude oil exports in July reached (102 million 385 thousand 49 thousand) barrels 3 million 303 thousand barrels of oil were sold daily. - The average price of oil in July reached $ 103 a barrel.