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Pentagon confirms strikes against 85 targets in Iraq and Syria

US forces have begun a new bombing campaign in the Middle East to punish Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) Quds Force and affiliated militia groups for a series of drone and missile attacks on American military bases in the region. Washington’s latest airstrikes began around midnight Baghdad time on Saturday and hit more than 85 targets in Syria and Iraq, the US Central Command (CENTCOM) said in a statement. The operation involved “numerous aircraft,” including long-range bombers flown from the US, which dropped over 125 precision munitions on their targets. Those targets included command and control centers, intelligence sites, weapons caches, and supply-chain facilities of Iranian-backed militias, as well as “their IRGC sponsors who facilitated attacks against US and coalition forces,” CENTCOM said. The bombings follow a series of assaults on American military bases in the Middle East, including a drone attack that killed three American soldiers and wounded more than 40 others at secretive US installation in Jordan. That base, called Tower 22, is located near the Syrian and Iraqi borders. The attack on Tower 22 was “planned, resourced and facilitated” by the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, White House National Security Council spokesman John Kirby said on Wednesday. The group consists of multiple militias, including Kataib Hezbollah, which has launched multiple rocket and drone strikes against US forces in the region since the Israel-Hamas war began in October. Kirby suggested that the US response would be carried out over multiple days. It “won’t just be a one-off,” he said. “As I said, the first thing you see will not be the last thing.” He added that Biden is still trying to avoid a broader war with Iran. Media reports in recent days raised concern that Biden was telegraphing his plans and giving the militias too much time to take preparatory steps, such as vacating obvious targets. Pentagon chief Lloyd Austin tried to deflect those worries on Friday, denying that the administration was giving Iran too much warning. He said the US response will be “multi-tiered” and insisted that neither he nor Biden would tolerate attacks on American troops. Biden has blamed Iran for supplying the weapons that Islamic militants have used in attacking US forces in the Middle East more than 150 times since the Israel-Hamas war started. He has faced political pressure to respond aggressively, including calls by Republican lawmakers to launch devastating strikes inside Iran. The IRGC’s Quds Force is an elite unit that specializes in guerilla warfare and intelligence-gathering outside Iran. It has sought to drive American forces out of neighboring Iraq since the US invasion in 2003.

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US Takes Action Against Iraqi Bank Linked to ‘Terrorism Financing’

In a move to safeguard the global financial system from misuse by terrorists, fraudsters, and money launderers, the US Department of the Treasury is cracking down on al-Huda Bank, an Iraqi bank allegedly involved in channeling funds for “terrorist activities”. The Treasury has officially identified Al-Huda Bank as a foreign financial institution posing a significant risk for money laundering. The Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) is proposing a rule to cut off the bank's access to the US financial system. This means that domestic financial institutions and agencies will be prohibited from opening or maintaining accounts for Al-Huda Bank. Additionally, the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) is imposing sanctions on the bank's owner. Al-Huda Bank, along with its foreign backers, including Iran and its proxy groups, is accused of diverting funds that could otherwise support legitimate businesses and economic development in Iraq. These actions contribute to violence that jeopardizes the stability of Iraq and poses a threat to the lives of both US and Iraqi citizens. Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, Brian E. Nelson, emphasized the importance of addressing illicit activities in the Iraqi financial system. Despite Iraq's progress in curbing such activities, Nelson highlighted the ongoing efforts of malicious actors seeking to exploit the Iraqi economy for their illicit gains. Last week, the US imposed sanctions on the Iraqi airline Fly Baghdad and its CEO for providing assistance to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Additionally, three leaders and supporters of Kata’ib Hizballah, a militia group, and a business serving as a cover for their funds were designated for sanctions. The finding reveals that Al-Huda Bank has been facilitating the financing of “foreign terrorist organizations”, including the IRGC and Iran-aligned Iraqi militia groups. The bank's chairman is implicated in money laundering operations on behalf of these groups. Al-Huda Bank provides access to the US financial system to actors known for using fraudulent documentation, fake deposits, and counterfeit currency, making it difficult to trace transactions. To counter Al-Huda Bank's illicit activities, FinCEN is taking action under the USA PATRIOT Act, proposing measures to prevent its access to the US financial system. OFAC is imposing sanctions on Hamad al-Moussawi, the owner and president of the board of directors of Al-Huda Bank, for “his support” to the IRGC-QF and its proxy militia groups in Iraq. Moussawi “has been involved” in money laundering operations and has used various tactics, including forged documents, to execute substantial wire transfers out of Iraq. As a result of these actions, all assets of the designated individuals in the US are blocked, and any transactions involving their property are prohibited, subject to OFAC regulations. Non-US financial institutions engaging with sanctioned entities may also face sanctions or enforcement actions.

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AIDS Infections Surge in Nasiriyah, Azerbaijan Identified as Source

An informed medical source in Dhi Qar Governorate disclosed alarming statistics on AIDS infections, particularly in Nasiriyah and its suburbs. Official records from the Dhi Qar Health Department show 200 documented cases, with the majority occurring in individuals under 45. The source, requesting anonymity, asserted to Shafaq News Agency that infection rates could be ten times higher due to unregistered cases. The infections are reportedly linked to visits to Azerbaijan, identified as the source of the spreading disease in the governorate. The source pointed out that the Ministry of Health provides medication for registered cases.

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U.S. signals it is open to withdrawing some troops from Iraq

Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin left the door open Thursday to reducing the U.S. military presence in Iraq, saying that meetings set to begin soon between officials from the two countries will enable a “transition to an enduring bilateral security partnership” that builds on years of joint operations against the Islamic State. Austin, in a statement released by the Pentagon, said U.S. troops remain in Iraq at the invitation of the government in Baghdad. Forthcoming meetings of the U.S.-Iraq Higher Military Commission, a group comprising national security officials from both governments, will look at the presence of U.S. forces in the country while considering the threat the militants pose, requirements that remain and the Iraqi military’s capabilities, Austin added. The comments come during a volatile time. Many Iraqi officials have called for the ouster of U.S. forces after a months-long cycle of violence, inflamed by the Israel-Gaza war, between Iranian-backed militias and U.S. forces. Austin continues to convalesce at home after an extended hospitalization following complications from surgery to treat prostate cancer. U.S. military positions in Iraq and Syria have been attacked at least 153 times since October by militant groups trained and supplied by Iran, including incidents Thursday in the northern Iraqi city of Irbil and at Ain al-Asad Air Base in the western part of the country. Pentagon officials note that about 2,500 U.S. troops remain in Iraq and that 900 are deployed to Syria as a buffer to prevent a resurgence of the Islamic State. But Iraqi officials have increasingly responded with anger when the United States has retaliated with airstrikes. The militias have tied their attacks to the war in Gaza and to U.S. support for Israel’s campaign against Hamas. Iraqi officials, in a statement, acknowledged the beginning of the meetings but left it unclear whether they will ask for U.S. forces to leave. The statement, released by the Iraqi Foreign Ministry, said that “in line with the growing capabilities of the Iraqi forces,” the Iraqi government is announcing “the success of continuous negotiations” that began in August about future steps. The meetings of the commission are aimed at formulating “a specific and clear timeline determining the duration of the presence of the international coalition advisors in Iraq, initiating a gradual and thoughtful reduction of their presence on Iraqi soil, concluding the military mission against [the Islamic State], and transitioning to comprehensive bilateral relations with coalition countries in politics, economics, culture, security, and military affairs, aligning with the vision of the Iraqi government,” the Foreign Ministry said. The Iraqi parliament has voted to eject U.S. military forces from the country. But U.S. officials have said they have received no formal notification. A Pentagon spokeswoman, Sabrina Singh, denied Thursday that the meetings are a negotiation to withdraw U.S. forces from Iraq. “This is about the future and making sure that Iraq is set up for success in defending its own security and sovereignty, and how the U.S. can support Iraq in doing that,” she said. Officials stressed that the military talks had been in the works well before Hamas’s attack in Israel on Oct. 7 plunged the region into turmoil and exacerbated long-running tensions between the U.S. military and Iranian-backed militias in Iraq. The U.S. response to ongoing militia attacks intensifies the challenges faced in Baghdad by Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, who must juggle the demands of the United States, Iraq’s chief Western ally, and those of Iran, Iraq’s powerful neighbor that wields major political influence in his country. Washington and Tehran have long had an adversarial relationship over Iran’s nuclear program, its support for armed groups across the Middle East and other issues. “We’ve been discussing this for months,” a senior defense official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the issue. “The timing is not related to recent attacks.” U.S. officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity in a conference call organized by the Pentagon, were reluctant to offer additional details about what shape the new arrangement in Iraq could take. The wave of militia attacks prompted a delay in the commission meetings in the fall, but they will now commence, a senior defense official on the call said. “There’s no way for us to forecast exactly where that leads, or on what timetable that leads,” the official said. The lack of clarity left open the possibility that the United States could withdraw troops from some locations in Iraq, and potentially from Syria. U.S. forces in Syria rely on logistical support from American personnel in Iraq. A senior military official, speaking on the same conference call, said that about 70 Americans have been injured in the militia attacks since October, with one soldier seriously wounded. The continuing presence, he said, has played a role in preventing nearby Islamic State cells from carrying out larger attacks. The discussions cap two decades of U.S. military involvement in Iraq. President George W. Bush ordered the invasion of the country in March 2003 based on faulty intelligence that then-leader Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. The invasion unleashed a violent insurgency that left more than 4,000 U.S. troops and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis dead. At the height of the U.S. surge, more 170,000 American troops were on the ground. President Barack Obama withdrew remaining U.S. troops, who were commanded by Austin when he was a four-star general, in late 2011. U.S. troops returned to Iraq in 2014, after Islamic State militants seized control of roughly a third of the country.   The Washington Post

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UN staff on $1.5bn Iraq aid project “demanding bribes”

Staff working for the UN in Iraq are allegedly demanding bribes in return for helping businessmen win contracts on postwar reconstruction projects in the country, a Guardian investigation has found. The alleged kickbacks are one of a number of claims of corruption and mismanagement the Guardian has uncovered in the Funding Facility for Stabilization, a United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) scheme launched in 2015 and backed by $1.5bn (£1.2bn) in support so far from 30 donors, including the UK. Since the 2003 US-led invasion, the international community has pumped billions of aid dollars into Iraq. Twenty years on, the country still suffers from poor services and infrastructure, despite being the world’s fourth-largest oil producer and generating a record-breaking $115bn in oil revenues last year. Corruption and kickbacks have been described as “the lifeblood of politics in Iraq”, which is why the UN carries out projects directly, promising more transparency than local institutions. In a statement to the Guardian, the UNDP said it had “internal mechanisms that prevent and detect corruption and mismanagement, supported by robust compliance procedures and internal controls”. But interviews with more than two dozen current and former UN employees, contractors, Iraqi and western officials suggest the UN is fuelling the culture of bribery that has permeated Iraqi society since Saddam Hussein’s overthrow in 2003. The Guardian has found that bribes of up to 15% of the contract value have been demanded by UNDP staff, according to three employees and four contractors. In return, the employee helps the contractor navigate the UNDP’s complex bidding system to ensure they pass the vetting process. “Nobody can get a contract without paying. There’s nothing in this country you can get without paying, not from the government, not from UNDP,” according to one contractor, who told the Guardian they had been approached by UNDP staff demanding bribes. A UNDP employee said the deals were made in person rather than on paper to avoid detection, with influential Iraqis sometimes serving as guarantors. “The third party also takes a share of the kickback,” they said, adding that the contractors would “choose people with relationships and power”. Government officials entrusted by the UNDP to oversee construction projects also allegedly take a cut. Contractors and UNDP staff who have overseen projects said officials used that authority to “extort” bribes from companies in return for signing off completed projects. Two contractors told the Guardian that they were forced to make such payments. In its statement, the UNDP said it took allegations of corruption and lack of transparency very seriously and had “zero tolerance for fraud and corruption”. The UN agency said: “This policy applies equally to UNDP staff members, as well as other personnel, vendors, implementing partners, and responsible parties engaged by UNDP. Any allegation of bribery, corruption, or fraud is thoroughly assessed and, where appropriate, investigated by UNDP’s independent Office of Audit and Investigation.” As well as corruption, funds have been spent on redundancies and the UN’s large overheads, raising further questions about what share of the mammoth budget actually reached war-torn communities. The UNDP said it charged indirect costs in accordance with its financial regulations and rules and the requirements of its executive board. Interviewees, many of whom spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, said the programme had undergone an unwarranted expansion and extension that had mostly served to sustain the UNDP’s footprint while absolving the Iraqi government of its own obligations to rebuild the country. They described a perverse incentive structure in which UN employees who wanted to “keep their cushy salaries” colluded with government officials who benefit financially to identify new projects, with progress reports embellishing results to justify more funding. The UNDP claims to have improved the lives of 8.9 million Iraqis – a fifth of the country’s population. But the Guardian’s visit to project sites suggests that some of these numbers may have been overstated. In a village in northern Iraq, a UNDP sign outside the local health centre claimed credit for its rehabilitation. But the facility, which suffered only light damage when Iraqi forces drove out Islamic State militants in 2017, was restored by two other organisations.  By the time the UNDP turned up, the clinic had been functioning again for two years. In what appears to be a digression from the original goal to rebuild damaged facilities, the UNDP built a new annexe for a laboratory and X-ray facility. But the premises stood empty in October, with locals complaining that for two years the UNDP had failed to deliver on promises to equip the new departments. In contrast, a UNDP report in 2022 said the facility had been completed and was, alongside other clinics in the province, serving thousands of Iraqis. But that figure appears to be based on census data provided by the government rather than actual usage. The UNDP said that it adhered to the technical and financial reporting requirements specified in agreements with each donor. Donors have agreed to extend the programme for another two years and want some of the remaining funds to be redirected towards social and institutional development. But interviewees have described training and workshops run by the UNDP under such initiatives as “trivial” and “lacking strategic coherence”. Sessions were attended by government officials and community members mostly for the sake of enjoying a free trip and cashing in allowances, the Guardian was told. “UNDP just wants to burn the money and show the donor that they are doing the workshops,” said one former employee. A former employee described a UNDP livelihoods initiative that taught displaced women to sew as “unrealistic” because Iraqis tended to buy cheap, imported clothes from local markets. “They were trying to create an economy that didn’t exist. It was like going back to medieval times,” they added.   The UNDP said initiatives such as skills training were developed based on community needs and in full consultation with local authorities or community leaders. Donors have admitted to struggling to track how their funding has been spent and rely on the UNDP to carry out monitoring and evaluation through an internal unit the agency described as “completely independent”, even though it reports to the UNDP’s management. Five interviewees familiar with the UNDP’s reporting said it did not reflect reality on the ground. “A lot of these documents are mostly for PR purposes,” said a consultant who carried out an external review of another UNDP scheme. “When you actually go to these provinces and sit down with the recipients of these funds and you actually look at the projects, it’s a far cry from what you perceive from reading these reports.” Embassy staff, insulated behind concrete walls and only allowed limited field visits due to strict security protocol, appear to lack the means to challenge the information. “Everyone stays just two years and by the time they figure it out, they leave,” said a western official. “That’s how these programmes survive year on year.” In response to the Guardian’s request for comment, an adviser to the Iraq prime minister, Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, said that if allegations of corruption in the UNDP programme and the involvement of government agencies were proven to be true, legal action would be taken. Farhad Alaaldin said: “We will communicate with the highest authorities at the UN to discuss and investigate the details of these allegations and refer those involved in corruption to the competent authorities. We will also review all programmes to find out the truth.”  

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Iraqi oil exports not affected by Red Sea crisis

The Iraqi Minister of Oil, Hayan Abdul-Ghani, said on Thursday that his country’s oil exports were not affected by the recent attacks on ships in the Red Sea. Abdul-Ghani’s remarks took place during his participation in the World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland, Reuters reported. The Iraqi Oil Minister elaborated that about 90 percent of Iraq’s oil exports go to Asia and therefore do not need to pass through the Red Sea. The Houthi attacks in Yemen on ships in the Red Sea forced many companies to divert sailing away from the Red Sea and pass through the Cape of Good Hope route around Africa, which increased the time and costs of trips. The attacks launched by the Houthis, which they say are in support of the Palestinians, target a route that represents about 15 percent of global shipping traffic and serves as a vital channel between Europe and Asia.

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Iraq prepares to end international coalition’s mission

Iraq’s prime minister announced Friday the formation of a bilateral committee to arrange the ending of international coalition forces in the country and affirmed Baghdad's steadfast and principled stance toward achieving that goal.  It came in a speech delivered by Mohammed Al-Sudani during a memorial ceremony organized by the Popular Mobilization Forces on the fourth anniversary of the death of the former commander of the Quds Force, Qasem Soleimani, and the Deputy Head of the Popular Mobilization Forces, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, and their companions. On Jan. 3, 2020, Soleimani and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US airstrike near Baghdad. “The attack violated all norms, charters, and laws governing Iraq-US relations, branding it a heinous and unjustified crime,” said Al-Sudani. The Iraqi News Agency, INA, said the prime minister said: “The Popular Mobilization Forces stand as an official entity affiliated with the state, operating under its authority, and constituting an integral part of our armed forces. “We have consistently emphasized that in case of any violation or transgression by an Iraqi party, or a breach of Iraqi law, the sole authority to address these issues rests with the Iraqi government,” he said.  Al-Sudani pointed out that “the government is the authorized body to enforce the law, and everyone is required to operate through it. Respecting Iraq's sovereignty is paramount, and no one should infringe upon it.” He also stressed: “We steadfastly assert our principled stance to conclude the presence of coalition forces, given that the justifications for their existence have ended.”  “We are currently in the process of scheduling the commencement of dialogue through the bilateral committee tasked with establishing arrangements for the conclusion of this presence. This commitment by the government is unwavering, ensuring the pursuit of complete national sovereignty over Iraq's land, sky, and waters.”  

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Iraq Forges Ahead on Greater Integration with China

Given the festive time of year, it is perhaps fitting that senior Iraqi politicians are again pushing for the full activation of the ‘Iraq-China Framework Agreement’, which is akin to turkeys voting for Christmas. The Agreement, signed in December 2021, will enable China to complete its long-term strategy of sequestrating all of Iraq’s key oil, gas, and petrochemical assets to its own ends, as it sees fit. The similarly all-encompassing ‘Iran-China 25-Year Comprehensive Cooperation Agreement’ did exactly that with neighbouring Iran, as first revealed anywhere in the world in my 3 September 2019 article on the subject and analysed in full in my new book on the new global oil market order. In the mawkish parlance of today’s reality television programmes, Beijing’s ‘journey’ to turn Iran and Iraq effectively into client states has been long, and it has learned a lot about itself in the process, but ultimately it has all been worth it. In Iraq’s case, it all truly began for China at the beginning of 2021, when Beijing used the same three-pronged strategy in the south of Iraq that Russia had used toward the end of 2017 to gain control over all the major oil and gas assets in Iraq’s northern semi-autonomous region of Kurdistan, as also analysed in full in my new book. Following the political chaos that came after that region’s massive vote in favour of full independence from Iraq, the Kremlin’s corporate oil proxy, Rosneft, firstly provided the government of Iraqi Kurdistan with US$1.5 billion in financing through a three-to-five-year prepayment oil supply deal. Second, it took an 80 percent working interest in five potentially major oil blocks in the Kurdistan region together with corollary investment and technical, technology, and equipment assistance. And third, it established 60 percent ownership of the vital Iraqi Kurdistan oil pipeline into southern Europe’s port of Ceyhan in Turkey by dint of a commitment to invest US$1.8 billion to increase its capacity to one million barrels per day. Using Russia’s playbook from Kurdistan, China at the beginning of 2021 firstly used state proxy, Zhenhua Oil, to agree a US$2 billion five–year prepayment oil supply deal between the Federal Government of Iraq (FGI) in Baghdad in the south of the country. Underlining once again that China’s oil and gas activities are part its broader colonising plans (President Xi is a great admirer of Great Britain’s use of the East India Company in its own such plans), Zhenhua Oil is a subsidiary of China’s massive defence contractor Norinco. Secondly, discussions began between China and Iraq on expanding the build-up of Beijing’s presence in the country’s oil and gas projects across the south of the country. The takeover by Chinese companies of multiple elements (exploration, development, maintenance, security, and so on) of oil and gas field licences in southern Iraq had been especially prevalent since the unilateral withdrawal of the U.S. from the ‘nuclear deal’ with Iran in May 2018, as also analysed in depth in my new book. China had also formally known from July 2021 that the U.S. would also end its combat mission in Iraq by the end of December that year at the latest, as the Presidential Administration had announced it in advance. And thirdly, as a part of the earlier 25-year agreement with Iran – which holds enormous sway over Iraq, through its political, economic, and military proxies – China had already begun building major logistics links that involved Iraq. These logistical links not only benefited China by helping to construct a cohesive whole across the vast oil and gas resources of Iran and Iraq but also gave it multiple footholds to establish a ‘security’ presence on the ground across both countries. It is not widely known outside oil circles, but it is entirely legal for oil companies to deploy whatever security forces they think necessary to protect their valuable assets on the ground in whichever country they operate. In China’s case, this has been tens of thousands of such personnel across its key oil and gas facilities in the Middle East, and tens of thousands more across multiple sites elsewhere in the world in which it has rolled out projects connected to its ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI), as also fully detailed in my new book. Following the Zhenhua Oil deal in southern Iraq, Baghdad approved nearly IQD1 trillion (US$700 million) for infrastructure projects in the city of Al-Zubair in the southern Iraq oil hub of Basra. Judging from comments made by the city’s Governor at the time, Abbas Al-Saadi, China’s heavy involvement in Phase 2 of the projects was part of the broad-based ‘Oil for Reconstruction and Investment’ agreement signed by Baghdad and Beijing in September 2019. This agreement allowed Chinese firms to invest in infrastructure projects in Iraq in exchange for oil and, in turn, its key concepts were rolled into the broader ‘Iraq-China Framework Agreement’ of 2021. The Al-Zubair announcement came around the same time as the awarding by Baghdad of another major contract to another Chinese company to build a civilian airport to replace the military base in the capital of the southern oil rich Dhi Qar governorate. The Dhi Qar region includes two of Iraq’s potentially biggest oil fields – Gharraf and Nassiriyah – and China said that it intended to complete the airport by 2024. This airport project, it announced, would include the construction of multiple cargo buildings and roads linking the airport to the city’s town centre and separately to other key oil areas in southern Iraq. In the later discussions involved in the 2021 ‘Iraq-China Framework Agreement’, it was decided unanimously by both sides that the airport could be expanded later to be a dual-use civilian and military airport. The military component would be usable by China without first having to consult with whatever Iraqi government was in power at the time, a senior source who works closely with Iraq’s Oil Ministry exclusively told OilPrice.com at the time. China will not stop its efforts to consolidate Iran and Iraq into effectively one vast client state, as it is the core of its expansion policy across the Middle East as a whole - as important to it as Saudi Arabia was for many decades to the U.S.’s policy in the Middle East, as fully analysed in my new book on the new global oil market order. There are three main reasons why this is so. First, the Iran and Iraq together comprise the largest oil and gas resources in the world, with much of these still untapped. Second, it would move another region of the globe into the ‘multipolar world’ that China has said it wants. In reality, it does not want this – instead, it wants a unipolar world with it at the top, as highlighted in December 2021/ January 2022 meetings in Beijing between senior Chinese government officials and foreign ministers from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, plus the secretary-general of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). At these meetings, the principal topics of conversation were to finally seal a China-GCC Free Trade Agreement and “to forge a deeper strategic cooperation in a region where U.S. dominance is showing signs of retreat”. And third, Iran and Iraq together constitute the heart of the Shia Crescent of Power, which also notably features Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and Yemen. This allows China three key geopolitical advantages. One, it can be used to hold the U.S. in check in those areas. Two, it offers several direct transport routes into Europe that can be utilised overtly or covertly. And three, it has even more oil and gas reserves that can be accessed by China at knockdown prices via similar long-term deals to those it has already reached with Iran and Iraq. By Simon Watkins for Oilprice.com  

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Iraqi Government Spokesman expresses surprise at KRG accusations

Iraqi government spokesman Basem al-Awadhi expressed surprise on Sunday at the accusations made by the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) against Baghdad regarding the disbursement of financial allocations and recent attacks. "The federal government expresses its surprise at the statement made by the spokesman for the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq, which included various unrealistic and irresponsible accusations, due to a mixture of misleading information and false lies, especially the claim of starving the citizens of the region, forgetting the official figures of financial financing and the admission of regional employees," he said in an official statement. The spokesperson said that KRG spokesperson's remarks represent an" unjustified bias against the constitutional authorities, and their exclusive responsibility for protecting the country's sovereignty." "We affirm that rushing to make judgments and making statements that lack accuracy contribute to complicating the political and governmental scene; as they are non-constructive statements that harm the state of political and social stability, and do not comply with the government's policy, methodology, and national program, in which it has committed to defending the interests of Iraqis in all parts of Iraq and without discrimination." He stressed that "it is the responsibility of the federal government to maintain security and stability throughout Iraq and does not discriminate between its citizens. It has already taken a number of measures and opened an investigation into the latest attack to uncover its circumstances. Such statements complicate the course of the investigation entrusted to the federal security agencies, in coordination with the relevant authorities in the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq." "Based on its duties and constitutional powers, the Iraqi government renews its rejection of the attacks that target any Iraqi land, whether in the region or the rest of the governorates, and confirms its continuation of pursuing the perpetrators; in order to hand them over to the judiciary to receive their fair punishment."

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Three Yezidi candidates won in Nineveh

The Yezidis won three candidates in the Nineveh provincial council: a KDP candidate, a PUK candidate and a candidate won a 'quota' seat . The votes of the Yezidis in the election: (63 thousand 277) votes. 🔹KDP : (30,238) votes (48%) 🔹PUK: (13,151) votes (21%) Votes of Yezidis in Mosul Provincial Council   🔻Yezidi votes for KDP candidates: 30238 votes: Jamal Khadr al-Shusho 6607 votes Yerevan Mahdi Haji   6517 votes  Mohsen Naif  3461 votes Rashid Hussein 3427 votes Rifat Smu  2259 votes Hemn Faraj   2251 votes Hassan Bakr  2002 votes Ziad Ahmad Majan 1824 votes Adel Marwan 1513 votes Jamil Sfook 1443 votes Barakat Shmu  1193 votes 🔻Yezidi votes for PUK candidates: 13151 votes Wissam Salem: 3611.  Saleem Shmo: 2779 votes Dakhil Qasim: 1692 votes Malhim Khatari: 1920 votes Nizar Khadida Haskani: 1230 votes Darwish Bisu Hskani: 1091 votes Jamal Shamo Sulaiman: 527 votes Colonel Elias Sinjar: 230 votes Hyam Khalti: 71 votes 🔻Yezidi votes for Freedom and Democracy Party (PADE): 3511 Qasim Kishku: 3180 votes Dakhil Sidu Gro: 122 votes Azad Dumli:    209 votes ♦️Note: PADE and PUK were in a coalition (Ittihad Ahl Nineveh) 🔻Yezidi votes for Yezidi  'quota' seat: 17377 votes 🔹Total votes of Yezidis: 63277 votes - Yezidi votes for KDP: nearly 48% - Yezidi votes for PUK nearly 21% - Yezidi votes for Pade nearly 5% - Yezidi vote for the 'quota' seat : nearly 27.% Note: A small number of candidates remain, scattered across some parties, receiving very few votes.

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Final results of Iraq’s provincial council elections announced

Four Iraqi coalitions got the largest number of seats in provincial polls earlier this month, according to national election officials.  The Independent High Electoral Commission announced late Thursday the final results of the provincial council elections, the first ones held in a decade, official Iraqi news agency INA reported. The Nabni coalition, led by Hadi Al-Amiri, won 43 out of 275 seats, followed by the State of Law coalition, led by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, with 35, the National State Forces coalition, led by Ammar al-Hakim, with 24, and the National Progress coalition, led by former parliament speaker Mohammed Al-Halbousi, with 21. The elections were boycotted by the Sadrist Shiite opposition movement. The commission said there were no complaints affecting the election results, adding that the final results have a window of appeal. Elections took place in 15 out of 18 governorates, excluding three in Iraq’s Kurdish Regional Government area. Over 5,900 candidates from various parties and alliances competed to win 275 posts. Over 6 million out of 16 million voters took in the local elections. The governorate councils in Iraq serve as the legislative and supervisory authority in each province. These elected councils have the right to issue local legislation, allowing them to manage their affairs according to the principle of administrative decentralization, without conflicting with the Constitution and federal laws falling under the exclusive jurisdiction of the authorities. The electoral term for the governorate councils is 4 years.  

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Iraq signs $300million Loan Agreement with Japan

Iraq inked a deal on Sunday for a $300 million loan from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) to fund a project aimed at enhancing water supplies in the city of Samawah, located in al-Muthanna Governorate in the south of the country. Minister of Finance, Tayf Samy, affirmed to Shafaq News Agency, "A loan agreement was signed for the project to improve water supply in Samawah, valued at over 45 billion yen, which roughly equals $300 million, with the goal of providing the province's residents with potable water." The minister added, "the project will contribute to increasing the quantity of potable water in the province and the efficient utilization of water resources by establishing water treatment and desalination plants in Samawah, in addition to installing water pipelines from the main station to sub-pumping stations." The project aims to provide potable water to the people of Samawah by establishing the first large-scale water treatment plant in the province. Upon completion, the project is expected to supply local residents with water for more than 12 hours daily. Japan has extended loans through JICA for the construction of approximately 30 significant infrastructure projects in Iraq thus far. There are five proposed projects, including a loan project in two phases for the year 2024, part of Japan's ongoing support for Iraq's infrastructure development.

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Iraq scrambles to contain fighting between US troops and Iran-backed groups, fearing Gaza spillover

Associated Press Dozens of attacks on U.S. military facilities by Iran-backed factions in Iraq over the past two months as the Israel-Hamas war has raged have forced Baghdad into a balancing act that’s becoming more difficult by the day. A rocket attack on the sprawling U.S. Embassy in Baghdad on Friday marked a further escalation as Iraqi officials scramble to contain the ripple effects of the latest Middle East war. Iran holds considerable sway in Iraq and a coalition of Iran-backed groups brought Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani to power in October 2022. At the same time, there are some 2,000 U.S. troops in Iraq under an agreement with Baghdad, mainly to counter the militant Islamic State group. What to know Since the war erupted on Oct. 7, at least 92 attacks on U.S. bases in Iraq and Syria have been claimed by an umbrella group of Iran-backed Iraqi militants. A recent attack on the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad marked a further escalation as Iraqi officials scramble to contain the ripple effects of the Israel-Hamas war. In response to the spike in attacks, the Biden administration has tried to balance efforts to deter the militants without triggering a broader Middle East conflict. Baghdad also relies heavily on Washington’s sanctions waivers to buy electricity from Iran, and since the 2003 U.S. invasion, Iraq’s foreign currency reserves have been housed at the U.S. Federal Reserve, giving the Americans significant control over Iraq’s supply of dollars. Al-Sudani’s predecessors also had to walk a delicate line between Tehran and Washington, but the Israel-Hamas war has considerably upped the stakes. Since the war erupted on Oct. 7, at least 92 attacks on U.S. bases in Iraq and Syria have been claimed by an umbrella group of Iran-backed Iraqi militants dubbed the Islamic Resistance in Iraq. The militants say their attacks are in retaliation for Washington’s backing of Israel and its military presence in Iraq and Syria. Al-Sudani has condemned the attacks and U.S. counter-strikes as a violation of his country’s sovereignty. He has also ordered authorities to pursue militants involved in the attacks, most of which caused no injuries and only minor damage. His office declined further comment. Washington has sent messages that its patience is wearing thin. After the embassy attack, the Pentagon said that Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin “made clear (to al-Sudani) that attacks against U.S. forces must stop.” U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken told al-Sudani that Washington expects Iraqi officials to take more action to prevent such attacks, and believes they have the capability to do so, a U.S. official told The Associated Press. During a recent trip to the region, CIA Director William Burns warned al-Sudani of “harsh consequences” if Iraq doesn’t act to stop the attacks, an Iraqi official said. Both officials spoke on condition of anonymity in line with briefing regulations. In a call with the Iraqi premier earlier this month, Blinken said that Americans would take matters into their own hands, arguing that Baghdad had not done enough to pursue the perpetrators, according to two Iraqi officials who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to comment publicly. Two days later, a U.S. strike on a drone launch site near the Iraqi city of Kirkuk killed five militants. The U.S. and much of the international community have scrambled to prevent the war in the besieged Gaza Strip from expanding across the region. Analyst Renad Mansour said he believes Iran is making sure the attacks remain below a threshold that would provoke a major U.S. response. “Both Iran and Iraq have maintained thus far a clear line that, at the moment, Iraq cannot turn into a playground that could destabilize the Sudani government,” said Mansour, a senior research fellow at the Chatham House think tank. He said that’s partially due to Iraq’s role of passing messages between Washington and Tehran. Sometimes the messenger is al-Sudani. In early November, Blinken met with al-Sudani in Baghdad a day before the Iraqi prime minister was set to visit Tehran. Al-Sudani had won a specific promise from the militias that no attacks would be launched during Blinken’s visit, according to an Iraqi official and a member of the Kataib Hezbollah militia. Following the visit, al-Sudani carried a message from Blinken to Iran to restrain the militias. Both officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to comment publicly. A week after the Iraqi premier’s diplomatic efforts, the United States extended Iraq’s sanctions waiver by four months to purchase Iranian electricity. Iran-hawks in Washington criticized the move, saying it would shore up revenue for Tehran while its proxies are at war with Israel. Mansour says Washington has used the sanctions waiver as “one of its cards” in economy-centered efforts to pressure Iran and Iraq. Unlike Lebanon’s Hezbollah group, seen as Iran’s most powerful proxy in the region, Iraq’s militias have so far only played a limited role in the conflict. For now, only small number of militiamen from Iraq are in southern Lebanon, near Israel’s northern border, said the official from the Kataib Hezbollah group. He said the Iraqis are working on “battle management” alongside Hezbollah and representatives of Hamas, the militant group that has ruled Gaza for 16 years and is currently battling Israel. He said Iran-backed groups in Iraq don’t want the conflict to spread across the region, but are prepared to respond with force to any attacks. Should Iran and allies choose to escalate, al-Sudani’s government will likely be unable to rein them in or prevent consequences on Iraqi soil, said Iyad al-Anbar, a political science professor at Baghdad University. “And this is why all al-Sudani has been able to do is try to bring some calm through statements,” said al-Anbar.  

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Pentagon: Hezbollah and Nujaba are two terrorist organizations responsible for most of the attacks

Shafaq News/ U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin condemned the attacks on his country's embassy in Baghdad and singled out Iran-aligned armed groups Kata'ib Hezbollah and Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba for the recent targetting of U.S. personnel. Austin's remarks came during a call with Iraq's Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani earlier today, Sunday. "The United States reserves the right to respond decisively against those groups," Austin told al-Sudani, according to a Pentagon statement summarizing the call. He welcomed Prime Minister al-Sudani's statement this morning that rightly condemned the attack as "acts of terrorism" that "endanger Iraq's internal security." Secretary Austin underscored that attacks by Iran-backed militias undermine the sovereignty and stability of Iraq, risk the safety of Iraqi civilians, and set back the campaign to defeat ISIS. They discussed the U.S.-Iraq Higher Military Commission, which was agreed by the two governments during the U.S.-Iraq Joint Security Cooperation Dialogue in August 2023. The statement emphasized that it is a "consultative mechanism" for the transition of the Coalition. "However, the Secretary made clear that attacks against U.S. forces must stop." Early on Friday, nearly seven mortar rounds landed in the U.S. Embassy compound in Baghdad. The attack marked the first time it had been fired on in more than a year, apparently widening the range of targets. No group claimed responsibility, but previous attacks against U.S. forces have been carried out by Iran-aligned groups operating under the banner of the Islamic Resistance in Iraq. U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria were also targeted with rockets and drones at least five more times on Friday; three times at separate bases in Syria, and twice at the Ain al-Asad airbase west of Baghdad, a different U.S. defense official said. The attacks were the most recorded against U.S. forces in the region in a single day since mid-October, when Iran-aligned militias started targeting U.S. assets in Iraq and Syria over Washington's backing of Israel in its war against Hamas in Gaza. Explosions were heard near the embassy, in the centre of Baghdad, at about 4 a.m. on Friday. Sirens calling on people to take cover were activated. State media said the attack damaged the headquarters of an Iraqi security agency.   U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria have been attacked at least 84 times since Oct. 17. The U.S. has responded with a series of strikes that have killed at least 15 militants in Iraq and up to seven in Syria. "The many Iran-aligned militias that operate freely in Iraq threaten the security and stability of Iraq, our personnel, and our partners in the region," State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said in a statement. "The Iraqi government has repeatedly committed to protect diplomatic missions as well as U.S. military personnel, who are present in the country at Iraq’s invitation. This is non-negotiable, as is our right to self-defense," Miller added. The attacks pose a challenge for al-Sudani, who has pledged to protect foreign missions and capitalize on fragile stability to focus on the economy and court foreign investment, including from the United States. Al-Sudani directed security agencies to pursue the perpetrators, describing them as "unruly, lawless groups that do not in any way represent the will of the Iraqi people," a statement from his office said. He also said that undermining Iraq's stability, reputation and targeting places Iraq has committed to protect were acts of terrorism. The head of militia Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada, one of the main factions that has been targeting U.S. forces in the region, said in a social media post that he rejected "stopping or easing operations" while "Zionist crimes continue in Gaza." Aside from its diplomatic staff in Iraq, the United States has about 2,500 troops in the country on a mission it says aims to advise and assist local forces trying to prevent a resurgence of Islamic State, which in 2014 seized large swathes of both Iraq and Syria before being defeated. Houthis in Yemen have been firing at Israel and ships in the Red Sea in a campaign they say aims to support the Palestinians. U.S. warships have shot down several of their projectiles.

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US embassy in Baghdad struck with seven mortars as attacks escalate

 (Reuters) - Approximately seven mortar rounds landed in the U.S. Embassy compound in Baghdad during an attack early on Friday, a U.S. military official told Reuters, in what appeared to be the largest attack of its kind in recent memory. U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria were also targeted with rockets and drones at least five more times on Friday; three times at separate bases in Syria, and twice at the Ain al-Asad airbase west of Baghdad, a different U.S. defense official said. The attacks were the most recorded against U.S. forces in the region in a single day since mid-October, when Iran-aligned militias started targeting U.S. assets in Iraq and Syria over Washington's backing of Israel in its war against Hamas in Gaza. U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, in a call with Iraq's Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani, condemned the attacks and singled out Iran-aligned armed groups Kataib Hezbollah and Harakat Hezbollah al Nujaba for the recent targetting of U.S. personnel. "The United States reserves the right to respond decisively against those groups," Austin told Sudani, according to a Pentagon statement summarizing the call. The embassy attack marked the first time it had been fired on in more than a year, apparently widening the range of targets. Dozens of military bases housing U.S. forces have been attacked, increasing fears of a broadening regional conflict. No group claimed responsibility, but previous attacks against U.S. forces have been carried out by Iran-aligned militias operating under the banner of the Islamic Resistance in Iraq. The U.S. military official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, left open the possibility that more projectiles were fired at the embassy compound but did not land within it. The U.S. officials said Friday's attacks caused no injuries, and the embassy attack caused very minor damage. Reuters was first to report the number of mortars that hit the embassy compound. Explosions were heard near the embassy, in the centre of Baghdad, at about 4 a.m. (0100 GMT) on Friday. Sirens calling on people to take cover were activated. State media said the attack damaged the headquarters of an Iraqi security agency. Sheikh Ali Damoush, a senior official in the Lebanese group Hezbollah, said in a Friday sermon that attacks by Iran-aligned groups across the Middle East aim to apply pressure for a halt to Israel's offensive in the Gaza Strip. He did not refer specifically to Friday's attack. U.S. forces in Iraq and Syria have been attacked at least 84 times since Oct. 17, the defense official said. The U.S. has responded with a series of strikes that have killed at least 15 militants in Iraq and up to seven in Syria. The State Department called on the Iraqi security forces to immediately investigate and arrest the perpetrators. "The many Iran-aligned militias that operate freely in Iraq threaten the security and stability of Iraq, our personnel, and our partners in the region," State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said in a statement. "The Iraqi government has repeatedly committed to protect diplomatic missions as well as U.S. military personnel, who are present in the country at Iraq’s invitation. This is non-negotiable, as is our right to self-defense," Miller added. 'ACTS OF TERRORISM' The attacks pose a challenge for Sudani, who has pledged to protect foreign missions and capitalize on fragile stability to focus on the economy and court foreign investment, including from the United States. Sudani directed security agencies to pursue the perpetrators, describing them as "unruly, lawless groups that do not in any way represent the will of the Iraqi people," a statement from his office said. He also said that undermining Iraq's stability, reputation and targeting places Iraq has committed to protect were acts of terrorism. The head of militia Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada, one of the main factions that has been targeting U.S. forces in the region, said in a social media post that he rejected "stopping or easing operations" while "Zionist crimes continue in Gaza." Aside from its diplomatic staff in Iraq, the United States has about 2,500 troops in the country on a mission it says aims to advise and assist local forces trying to prevent a resurgence of Islamic State, which in 2014 seized large swathes of both Iraq and Syria before being defeated. Iran-aligned Houthis in Yemen have been firing at Israel and ships in the Red Sea in a campaign they say aims to support the Palestinians. U.S. warships have shot down several of their projectiles.

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