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News / Kurdistan

"Stringent guidelines set for establishing oil refineries in Kurdistan Region"

The Kurdistan Region's Board of Environmental Protection and Improvement has set stringent guidelines for establishing oil refineries, making the approval process exceedingly difficult, according to Azad Nouri, the director of the Technical Affairs Office. During an interview on Kurdistan24, Nouri stated, “As an authority in the Kurdistan Regional Government, we have not granted any license or approval to establish a refinery because the conditions we impose are very difficult.” He outlined the comprehensive directives that must be adhered to, including the Ministry of Natural Resources Directive No. 1 of 2020 and No. 1 of 2024, as well as Directive No. 3 of 2021, which pertains to production quality. The key conditions for granting a refinery license include: - Treating sewage water - Installing filters to prevent air pollution - Installing a water purification unit - Preserving green spaces inside and outside the project - Utilizing advanced technology “These conditions ensure the safety of the environment and citizens,” Nouri emphasized. He also highlighted efforts to close many illegal refineries in coordination with the Erbil Environment Office, the Mayor, and the Governor of Erbil, with plans to continue these closures. The Kurdistan Region has three types of oil refineries: 1. Governmental refineries, which operate legally without issues. 2. Large and small refineries, established during the 2015 oil and gasoline crisis, most of which have since been closed. 3. Illegal refineries, which will be notified and given a grace period to obtain official licenses. “All illegal refineries will be notified and given a grace period to amend their status by obtaining official licenses,” Nouri concluded.

Total Civilian Impact by the Latest Turkish Military Operation: June 15 - July 15 2024

* 9 villages have been completely displaced. * At least 184 families have been displaced. * Approximately 68,000 dunams of land have been burned. * 1 church, 1 tahini factory, 1 car, 2 water projects, and 19 civilian houses have been damaged or destroyed. * 1 civilian injured. * The electricity grids and towers of Bari Gare villages and Miska village have been targeted. * Turkish telecommunication equipment and towers have interrupted the networks in the areas of over 110 villages. On June 15th, the Turkish Armed Forces began a new military operation and offensive in the Berwary Bala area to seize control of Matina Mountain and its surrounding areas with an eye towards gaining control of Gara Mountain. The military operations have been conducted by both ground and aerial forces with the deployment of an estimated 1250 Turkish soldiers, 300 tanks, and intensifying aerial bombardments. Since the new operation on June 15th, Turkey has conducted at least 381 bombardments in Iraqi Kurdistan mainly through fighter jets but also by artillery shellings and drones. There has been considerable civilian impact mainly in the form of displacement, loss of economic livelihoods, agricultural land loss, ecological damage, and one verified casualty (1 injured). The new military operation has resulted in the displacement of nine villages. Eight of the villages are located in the Amedi district with one located in the Batifa district. Four villages from the Bari Gara area, located south of Amedi on the northern foot of Gara Mountain have been displaced. Those include Mizhe village, which had 38 families and had one of its schools bombed in February earlier this year during the preparatory phase of the current operation and had two houses destroyed; Spindare village, which had 43 families and a civilian house bombed and destroyed; Kafna Mizhe, which was home to 32 families and had one civilian house destroyed; and Girgashe, which was inhabited by 16 families. Many of the families, who relied on agriculture for their income, have lost their economic livelihoods due to their displacement to Deraluk and Duhok. The displaced families are now jobless, with some working as laborers or fruit sellers. In addition to displacement, the area had much of its forests burned that had vital trees and plants, which included apple trees, sumac trees, oak trees, walnut trees, qazwan trees, and daraban trees. Four villages from the Berwary Bala area, located northwest of Amedi near the northern foot of Matina Mountain have also experienced displacement. Those include Miska village, which had 16 families and was subjected to intense bombardments and the entry of Turkish soldiers into civilian houses, resulting in 85% of its agricultural land being burned, two houses being bombed, its church being bombed, its water well being bombed, and nine total civilian houses being damaged; Dargale Musa Bagi, which had 10 families, had its Tahini factory bombed, and were explicitly told by Turkish soldiers to leave; Shelaza; and Bishele. One village called Demka, located in the Batifa region, has also been displaced, and it was home to 12 families. Many villages in the Amedi and Batifa regions have been suffering from agricultural loss, ecological damage, and intense bombardment. At least 68,000 dunams of forests and agricultural land have been burned. Local farmers used much of the land for harvesting vegetables, fruits, and nuts, which served as a primary source of income for many families in the impacted area. For example, on July 6th, Turkish soldiers were shooting at Dere village in the Zakho region from their base on Shakhol Mountain, which caused a fire that spread for four kilometers. Additionally, Turkey has bombed the village of Guharze, home to 174 families and located 10 km southeast of the city of Amedi, at least 45 times, causing damage to six houses, one vehicle, and an agricultural water project. The attacks mainly originate from a newly established military base near Gre Bahar Hill. Additionally, the new military bases have imported and constructed telecommunication towers that have disrupted Kurdish telecommunication networks in the areas of over 110 villages, resulting in local residents receiving messages such as "Goodbye from Iraq" and “Have a nice trip in Turkey". In total, Turkey has built 10 additional military bases and outposts in Iraqi Kurdistan, totaling 74. The new bases include two in the Nhely area of Amedia, seven in the Batifa area of Zakho, and one in the Sidakan area of Soran. Additionally, the Turkish military has established one checkpoint and at least two temporary checkpoints in the evenings and have been checking the IDs and vehicles of all civilians passing through. As a result of the latest operation, there has been one civilian casualty. On July 12, 2024, Nechirwan Hakim was injured by artillery shelling in the Sidakan area while shepherding and tending to his animals. The bombardment originated from the newly established Turkish military base on Shakif Mountain in the Sidakan area. Civilian harm, displacement, and damages to civilian infrastructure and livelihoods are part of ongoing patterns of Turkish military operations and incursions into Iraqi Kurdistan. At the beginning of the year, Turkey conducted a preparatory phase of the current military operations, resulting in nine casualties (8 killed and one injured). Furthemore, since the 1990s 170 villages have been displaced and 602 are at risk of complete displacement. Since 1991, there have been at least 703 civilian casualties by the Turkish Armed Forces. CPT - Iraqi Kurdistan

Iraqi Kurdistan awaits Baghdad’s agreement with oil firms to resume oil exports

The acting minister of natural resources of the Kurdistan Regional Government said that they will not prevent the amendment of oil contracts and the companies have not agreed to the proposal to reduce the cost of oil extraction. Acting Minister of Natural Resources of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Kamal Mohammed said that the proposals made by the Iraqi Oil Ministry to the oil companies are not satisfactory for the companies. He added that the amount of money allocated by the Iraqi government for the production of a barrel of oil in the Kurdistan Region is much less than the cost of producing a barrel of oil by companies. "We will not prevent the amendment of oil contracts and there is a good understanding by the Iraqi Oil Ministry," he said.

Attempts are being made to form a coalition for the Kurdistan parliamentary elections

Attempts are being made to form a coalition for the Kurdistan parliamentary elections between the Gorran Movement, the People's Front and Standard Institute. The National Council of the Gorran Movement will meet today to discuss a proposal to form a coalition for the Kurdistan parliamentary elections. According to (Draw) investigations, the meeting of the National Council of the Gorran Movement is dedicated to discussing a proposal of Standard Institute officials, which is dedicated to the formation of a coalition for the Kurdistan parliamentary elections. Standard Agency officials have been in talks with the parties to form a mass front for the Kurdistan parliamentary elections and are currently intensifying talks with the Gorran Movement and the People's Front. A source in Standard told (Draw) that the People's Front has agreed to any coalition and is ready, we are currently waiting for the Gorran Movement to agree to form the coalition. The Gorran Movement has previously submitted its lists for the June 10 elections and Choman Mohammed was the leader of the Gorran Movement list in Sulaimani. The People's Front has submitted its list of candidates in all four constituencies, with Lahur Sheikh Jangi in Sulaimani, Shadman Mullah Hassan in Erbil and Zikri Zebari in Duhok are leading the lists. If they form the coalition, they will have to re-draft their list of candidates and include candidates from all three parties in all four constituencies. For the sixth session of the Kurdistan Parliament Eligible Voters: 3,798,360 Registered: 2,901,080 or 76% Unregistered: 897,280 or 24% 🔹Erbil: 1,366,462 people are eligible to vote 🔹Erbil: 1,016,357 registered residents, 74% 🔹Sulaimani + Halabja: 1,496,152 people are eligible to vote 🔹Sulaimani + Halabja: 1,146,530 registered 77% 🔹Duhok: 926,746 people are eligible to vote 🔹Duhok: 738,193 people registered 80%

Kurdish oil smuggling to Iran flourishes

By Timour Azhari ERBIL, Iraq (Reuters) – Heading for Turkey to the north and Iran to the east, hundreds of oil tankers snake each day from near Kurdistan's capital Erbil, clogging the Iraqi region's often winding and mountainous highways. The tankers are the most visible aspect of a massive operation to truck oil from the semi-autonomous region of Iraq to Iran and Turkey in murky, off-the-books transactions that have boomed since an official export pipeline closed last year. Reuters pieced together the details of this flourishing trade through conversations with over 20 people including Iraqi and Kurdish oil engineers, traders and government officials, politicians, diplomats and oil industry sources. They painted a picture of a booming business in which more than 1,000 tankers carry at least 200,000 barrels of cut-price oil every day to Iran and, to a lesser extent, Turkey - bringing in about $200 million a month. The scale of the unofficial exports, which has not previously been reported, is one reason Iraq has been unable to stick to output cuts agreed with the OPEC oil cartel this year, Iraqi officials said. Iranian and Turkish officials did not respond to requests for comment. Iraqi oil ministry spokesperson Assim Jihad said the Kurdistan trade was not approved by the Iraqi government and state oil marketer SOMO was the only official entity allowed to sell Iraqi crude. These black tubes fill a massive tank with salty brine sucked deep from the ground below as part of an 870 million dollar project in the province of Salta. He said the government did not have accurate figures for how much oil was being smuggled into Iran and Turkey. "OPEC now has less patience for smuggling and has even been known to slap punitive measures on offending members. I doubt we'll see any retribution against Baghdad because it's well known that the Kurdish region lies outside central control," said Jim Krane at Rice University's Baker Institute in Houston. The business could also put Kurdistan on a collision course with close ally Washington, as it assesses whether the trade breaches any U.S. economic sanctions on Iran, according to a U.S. official. Until last year, Kurdistan exported most of its crude via the official Iraq-Turkey Pipeline (ITP) running from the Iraqi oil city of Kirkuk to the Turkish port of Ceyhan. But those exports of about 450,000 barrels per day (bpd) halted in March 2023 when an international tribunal ruled in favour of the Iraqi federal government's call for the shipments to stop - leaving the pipeline in legal and financial limbo. The federal administration in Baghdad, which has long held that it is the only party authorised to sell Iraqi oil, successfully argued that Turkey arranged the exports with the Kurdistan regional government without its consent, in breach of a 1973 treaty. 'NO TRACE' Tankers soon started taking Kurdish oil to neighbouring countries instead and the business accelerated this year after talks to reopen the pipeline stalled, industry sources, oil officials and diplomats said. Local officials said none of the proceeds are accounted for, or registered, in the coffers of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), which has been struggling to pay thousands of public employees. "There is no trace of the oil revenues," said regional lawmaker Ali Huma Saleh, who was chair of the oil committee in Kurdistan's parliament until it was dissolved in 2023. He put the trade at over 300,000 bpd, higher than most other estimates. Hiwa Mohammed, a senior official in the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), one of Kurdistan's two ruling parties, said the oil was going through border crossings with the knowledge of the regional and federal governments. KRG Treasury officials did not respond to requests for comment. The KRG Ministry of Natural Resources, which oversees oil trading in Kurdistan, does not have a spokesperson. A U.S. official said Washington was looking at the oil trade to assess compliance with sanctions on Iran. The U.S. Treasury Department declined to comment. A State Department official said: "U.S. sanctions on Iran remain in place, and we regularly engage with partners on sanctions enforcement issues, but we do not detail those conversations." A senior official at Kurdistan's natural resources ministry said oil production in the region was running at 375,000 bpd, of which 200,000 was trucked to Iran and Turkey, and the rest refined locally. "Nobody knows what happens to the revenues from the 200,000 smuggled abroad, or the oil derivatives sold to refineries in the region," said the official, who declined to be named because the sensitivity of the matter. CUT-PRICE CRUDE The crude is sold by oil companies in Kurdistan to local buyers at cut-price rates of $30 to $40 a barrel, or about half the global rate , which equates to at least $200 million a month in revenue, industry and political sources said. Kurdistan's oil production is majority controlled by eight international oil firms: DNO ASA (DNO.OL), opens new tab, Genel Energy (GENL.L), opens new tab, Gulf Keystone Petroleum (GKP.L), opens new tab, ShaMaran Petroleum (SNM.V), opens new tab, HKN Energy, WesternZagros, MOL's (MOLB.BU), opens new tab Kalegran and Hunt Oil Company. Hunt Oil, based in the United States, declined to comment. The other seven companies did not respond to requests for comment, nor did local company KAR Group, a major player in Kurdistan. While most oil production halted when the pipeline closed, some companies including DNO, Keystone and ShaMaran have said in statements they have since started producing crude for sale to buyers within Kurdistan. ShaMaran said the average price of oil it sold in the first three months of 2024 was $36.49 per barrel while Keystone said in June that sales of crude from the Shaikan Field this year were bringing in about $28 a barrel. The industry sources said approved local buyers take the crude from oil companies and sell it on through middlemen for export, without the knowledge of the producers. The vast majority of the trucked oil goes to Iran, most of the industry and political sources said, via official Iraqi border crossings including Haji Omaran, or via Penjwen further south. From there, it is loaded onto ships at Iranian ports in the Gulf at Bandar Imam Khomeini and Bandar Abbas - a trade route used in the past for Kurdish oil exports - or transferred by road to Afghanistan and Pakistan, industry, political and diplomatic sources said. Reuters could not determine what Iran, which faces difficulties selling its own oil products because of sanctions, gets out of the trade, nor who is receiving the oil in Iran. The PUK's Mohammed said it was sent to Iran to be refined into gasoline. Pakistan's petroleum ministry declined to comment. Afghan officials did not respond to requests for comment. BLACK-MARKET LABYRINTH The trade is the latest iteration of a long-standing Iraqi black-market oil business widely seen as benefiting political elites who are closely linked to business interests. Twelve people said officials in Kurdistan's two ruling parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) of the Barzani clan and the PUK of the Talabani clan, were the beneficiaries. "There is a labyrinth of black-market salespeople getting paid, and people approving those sales. It's not that they are just looking the other way. They're taking their share," an industry source working in the Kurdish oil trade said. A senior diplomat in Baghdad said political interests were so vested in the trade that resuming official exports via the pipeline, once seen as a priority, had dropped down the diplomatic agenda. "I'm not going to be advocating for this while they're all having a party," the person said. KDP officials did not respond to requests for comment about the black-market trade. Mohammed, the PUK official, did not comment on who might be behind it. Kurdish officials say the region was forced into the trade by the pipeline closure, which they see as part of a broader effort by Iran-backed Shi'ite parties in Baghdad to curb the relative autonomy they have enjoyed since the end of the first Gulf war in 1991. A senior Iraqi parliamentary official familiar with oil matters said Baghdad was aware of the details of the business but was avoiding public criticism as officials seek to resolve outstanding disputes with Erbil. Putting pressure on Erbil to stop oil smuggling would corner the region and deprive it of all sources of funding, which could result in its collapse, said the person, who declined to be named due to the sensitivity of the issue. The trade has been cited privately by Iraqi officials as being behind Baghdad's inability to stick to its OPEC production quotas, a bone of contention with OPEC's de facto leader Saudi Arabia. Jihad, the oil ministry spokesman, said Iraq, which has pledged to scale back output this year to make up for the overproduction, was committed to voluntary production cuts. For now, the sheer volume of tankers snarling up highways, and getting involved in accidents, is angering residents along major thoroughfares. "It's very painful," said Rashid Dalak, visiting the grave of his brother Rouzkar, who was killed in a crash with a tanker in May on the highway between Erbil and Sulaimaniya that leads to the Iranian border. "Despite passing through and damaging our roads and killing our loved ones ... no-one here has seen a dollar."

🔻Mansour Barzani is the leader of the KDP list in Duhok

For the Supervisor of the Kurdistan Parliamentary Election Campaign: 🔻Masrour Barzani to Sulaimani and Nechirvan Barzani to Erbil 🔻Mansour Barzani is the leader of the KDP list in Duhok 🔹According to an unofficial list published, (Mansour Barzani, son of Massoud Barzani, president of the Kurdistan Democratic Party KDP), is the leader of the KDP list in Duhok province. Although a source in the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) told (Draw): Mansour Barzani will supervise the election campaign in Duhok, but according to the unofficial list published, Mansour Barzani is number one and leader of the KDP list in Duhok In Erbil, Nechirvan Barzani will lead the campaign and Pashtiwan Sadiq and Omid Khoshnaw will be on the KDP list. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Masrour Barzani is overseeing the KDP's election campaign in Sulaimani province.

Turkey's new invasion of the Kurdistan Region

🔻 Since the beginning of the Turkish operation (June 15 to today), Turkey has carried out 238 bombings and attacks inside the Kurdistan Region 🔻 From 1991 to this year (702) civilians have been killed in the Kurdistan Region, (344) citizens have been martyred and (358) wounded. 🔻 (162) villages have been evacuated and (602) villages are in danger of being evacuated. 🔻 Since the beginning of (2024) until now, turkey has conducted (176) attacks and bombings in the Kurdistan Region; 🔹 In Duhok province: (526) attacks and bombings (49%). 🔹 In Erbil province: (405) attacks and bombings (38%). 🔹 In Sulaimani province: (135) attacks and bombings (12%). 🔹 In Nineveh province: (10) attacks and bombings (1%). 🔻 There are 71 Turkish military bases in the Kurdistan Region. 🔹 (17) bases and headquarters are located in Syedkan and Mergasur in Soran administration (24%). 🔹 (23) bases and headquarters in Amedi (32%). 🔹 (31) bases and headquarters in Zakho (44%)

Turkish military advances 15 km into Iraqi Kurdistan, triggering mass evacuations

The New Arab / Dana Taib Menmy The Turkish military has advanced 15 kilometers deep into Iraqi Kurdistan, targeting the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and forcing the evacuation of hundreds of villages, according to a conflict monitor's report on Sunday. The incursion, which represents a significant escalation in Turkey’s military operations, has unfolded amid a conspicuous silence from both Iraqi and Kurdish authorities, raising concerns over Iraq's sovereignty and the safety of its citizens. Ongoing operations have forced nearly 602 villages in Duhok province to evacuate, with villagers fleeing in fear of Turkish army shelling that has also scorched their farmland, according to a U.S.-based human rights organisation monitoring the conflict. Maj. Gen. Tahseen Al-Khafaji, spokesperson for the Iraqi Joint Operations Command, told The New Arab that the Turkish operation is political and unrelated to the Iraqi Joint Operations Command. He directed further inquiries to Iraq's foreign ministry, which did not respond to requests for comment. Efforts to contact Ahmed al-Sahaf, spokesperson for Iraq’s foreign ministry, were unsuccessful. TNA also spoke with Sakfan Sindi, deputy head of the parliament's security and defense committee from the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). Sindi said he lacked information on the issue as parliament is on its summer break. He gave assurances that after the holiday, the committee would seek to understand the stance of Iraq’s prime minister and the commander-in-chief of Iraq’s armed forces. Last month, Turkey dispatched hundreds of troops and military vehicles into the Kurdistan Region, setting up checkpoints and conducting military patrols in Duhok province’s Barwari Bala area. The recent escalation has instilled fear among local villagers, leading to the abandonment of at least one village. “The new operation in the Barwari Bala area signifies the depth of Turkish military ground operations into Iraqi Kurdistan. Turkish Armed Forces have advanced 15 kilometers into Iraqi Kurdistan territory,” said the Community Peacemaker Teams (CPT), a U.S.-based human rights organization monitoring the conflict. “Since the start of the new Turkish military operation, Turkey has conducted 238 bombardments in Iraqi Kurdistan, primarily in the Duhok governorate. As a result of Turkish bombardments, more than 20,000 dunams of agricultural lands have burned,” CPT added. This incursion marks a significant escalation compared to Turkey's 2021 operation, dubbed Claw-Lightning, when Turkish forces advanced 7 kilometers into the Kurdistan Region, CPT reported. The campaign aims to curb threats from the PKK along the border. The PKK is designated a terrorist organisation by Ankara and much of the West, has waged an armed insurgency against Turkey for decades in a struggle for greater Kurdish rights. Turkish operations have commenced near Kani Masi and Mount Metina in Duhok province. Turkish soldiers, armed with heavy weapons, have established several checkpoints, particularly near Balave and Belizani villages along the main road between Bamarni and Kani Masi subdistricts, about 57 kilometers northeast of Duhok city. Clashes between Turkish forces and PKK fighters have ignited numerous wildfires, with each side blaming the other for the blazes. In Sargale village, about 55% of agricultural land has been burned by Turkish attacks. Turkish military actions in Iraqi Kurdistan threaten at least 602 villages with displacement, with 162 already evacuated, according to CPT. Civilian infrastructure has also been affected, including the destruction of a school in Amedi district’s Mizhe village and an Assyrian church in the town of Mishka. The Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) have yet to issue statements regarding the increased hostilities in Duhok province. Earlier this year, Baghdad classified the PKK as a banned organisation before Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Iraq in April. Both nations signed several agreements, including those related to security. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Baghdad on April 22, marking his first state visit to Iraq since 2011. During the visit, both countries signed a joint security agreement allowing Turkey to conduct military operations against the PKK deep within Iraqi territory. In return, Iraq will receive increased water flow from Turkey. However, Ankara’s persistent military strikes and ground troop deployments have caused fear among the local villagers of Duhok province’s mountainous regions. Many residents fear displacement due to constant mortar shells and gunfire. CPT data indicates that Turkey has conducted over 1,076 attacks on the Kurdistan Region and Nineveh province in 2024. On Thursday, a Turkish defense ministry announcement confirmed that one of its soldiers was killed by the PKK in Duhok province.

KDP and PUK's Silent Killing in Iraqi Kurdistan

Draw Media Dr. Hawre Hasan Hama, lecturer at the University of Sulaimani, PhD in Peace Studies The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) kill us either quickly and suddenly or slowly and insidiously. For years, the Kurdistan Region’s ruling parties killed people directly and openly. The armed conflict between the KDP and the PUK in the mountains during their armed struggle against the former Ba’ath regime and later during the civil war in the 1990s were examples of deliberate and direct killings. Even today, the rivals are ready to kill anyone openly and directly who they feel poses a threat to their survival. Their efforts to keep the armed forces under their control and to militarize Kurdish society are clear. The killing of demonstrators and journalists and the attacks on opposition headquarters are clear examples of deliberate and open killings. Over the past twenty years, the KDP and the PUK have reached a general reconciliation, agreeing not to fight each other anymore and not to kill people's sons. Instead, they created a political system of governance that does the killing for them. The two-party rule produces indirect violence against the Kurdish people in an organized and legal manner. While direct violence is rarer these days, indirect violence that slowly kills civilians is everywhere. The KDP-PUK governance style is characterized by social injustice, weak rule of law, the militarization of civil society, corruption, waste of public resources, and the politicization of all sectors. In other words, this type of governance is the root cause of the deaths of citizens. The KDP and the PUK are primarily responsible for the poor quality of health care, welfare, social services, the courts, electricity, water, roads, and the environment. The most common forms of indirect violence in the Kurdistan Region are the poor quality of infrastructure and services, a rigged economic system, human rights violations, and the weak rule of law. First, the poor quality of infrastructure and services is responsible for numerous preventable deaths. Take the Kurdistan Region’s poor roads and traffic systems. Hundreds of people are killed each year in traffic crashes and thousands are injured. This is a solvable problem that is not being adequately addressed by the political authorities. If traffic and road systems are more orderly, many deaths can be prevented. Or, take the underdevelopment of the health care system. The lack of basic medical supplies, equipment, and pharmaceuticals ensure that patients do not get the quality of care that they deserve and need. Again, it is the Kurdistan Region’s leadership that bears responsibility. Second, the economic system is rigged in favor of those with close connections to the political parties. They control the market, businesses, the private sector, and job opportunities. They dole them out based on partisan interest. In the KDP’s zone, contracts and jobs go to KDP-connected businesses; the same is true for the PUK in its zone of control. This creates systemic economic inequality where the rich profit at the expense of the poor. In the developed world, poverty is considered to be a kind of violence. To participate in impoverishing someone is to commit violence against that person. Because of their status, the poor cannot access healthy food, afford medical care, struggle with unemployment, and live without basic services and in areas where there are high levels of pollution. Poverty in the Kurdistan Region is the result of this rigged economic system, which has created widespread unemployment. All the consequences of unemployment and economic inequality are indirect forms of violence. Thousands of young people are unemployed in the Kurdistan Region. The governance in the Region fails to provide equal job opportunities. The consequences range from migration to Europe, mental and psychological problems, inability to provide basic necessities of life, and (in some cases) suicide. Third, the KDP and the PUK are guilty of numerous human rights violations. Examples of these violations include, aggressive surveillance of the population, attacking critics, and arresting journalists. The statistics from the Metro Center, an independent non-governmental organization for Journalist Rights and Advocacy, reveal a concerning pattern of violations against journalists and media outlets in the Kurdistan Region. Despite some years of reduced incidents, the overall trend remains alarming, highlighting the ongoing challenges faced by the press in this region. This situation calls for sustained efforts to safeguard journalistic freedoms and ensure a safer environment for media practitioners. Again, the issues are systemic. Even when the government fails to pay salaries, public servants are unable to complain publicly about their problems. Finally, the parties have conspired to weaken the rule of law. The lack of a proper police force and impartial courts means that citizens are daily denied justice when their rights are violated. Without the ability to seek justice through legal means, they resort to revenge and violence or extra-judicial tribal arbitration. Therefore, the rule of the PUK and KDP is the biggest threat to human security in the Kurdistan Region. Yet, the reason why we do not consider their rule as a threat is that the KDP and the PUK are killing us indirectly and slowly, not openly and directly. Through their media, the parties present themselves as lawyers, not killers, and some of us believe them. To live a long and healthy life, we must reject the rule of the KDP and the PUK. The next elections will allow us to have good governance. We must take this opportunity to protect our lives. On the contrary, voting for the ruling parties is like supporting a terrible killer. Let us not support people who are our killers. The people of Kurdistan should vote for the opposition parties. The International community must support a free and fair election in Iraqi Kurdistan.

Eight civilians killed in Turkish strikes

On June 15th, Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) started a new ground military operation in the Berwaly Bala area - maneuvering inside six villages in the area. On June 25th, Turkey established a checkpoint between Kani Bilave and Babire villages. The following day, Turkey began building seven new military bases in the Shive, Kani Tuia, Zireze, Demka, Bilejan, Korka and Gre Bia villages. Since the new military operation started, Community Peacemaker Teams (CPT) has closely monitored the escalation in the area and documented the impacts of the operation on civilians in the area. Villagers of Dergale Musa Bage informed CPT that on June 27th, Turkish Armed Forces had forced them to leave their village. The new operation in the Berwaly Bala area signifies the depth of Turkish military ground operations into Iraqi Kurdistan. Turkish Armed Forces have advanced 15 kms into Iraqi Kurdistan territory. For its previous operation in 2021 codenamed ‘Claw Lightning’, Turkey had only advanced 7 km into Iraqi Kurdistan establishing itself in a village called Hrure. Since the start of the new Turkish military operation, Turkey has conducted 238 bombardments in Iraqi Kurdistan, primarily in the Duhok governorate. As a result of Turkish bombardments, more than 20,000 dunams of agricultural lands have burned, primarily in the villages of Guharze, Balave, Barche, Sargale, Kane, and Ashke Dere in the Amedi region. Furthermore, in the village of Sargale approximately 55% of its agricultural land has been burnt by Turkish attacks. Turkish operations in Iraqi Kurdistan place at least 602 villages under the threat of displacement with at least 162 already displaced. Civilians from Sargale village reported to CPT that on July 4th, a Turkish military force reached their village with approximately 45 armored vehicles and settled behind Sargale village which intensified the clashes between PKK and Turkish Armed forces inside the village. Civilians from Sargale village feared that the presence of Turkish forces and the clashes inside the village led to the displacement of the village. Between January and July of 2024, Turkey has conducted 1076 attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan. 526 pf these attacks have occurred in the Duhok governorate with a further 405 in the Erbil governorate, 135 in the Slemani governorate, and 10 in the Ninawa governorate. About 93% of attacks have been conducted by fighter jets. Throughout the year of 2023, Turkish Armed Forces conducted at least 1548 bombardments. In addition to eight civilians being killed this year, civilian infrastructure has also been destroyed and damaged. In late February, a school in Mizhe village in the Amedi district was targeted by fighter jets and destroyed. In the recent operations a monastery was damaged by fighter jets in Miska village also located in the Amedi district. On the evening of July 4th and July 5th, two Turkish bombs hit civilian houses inside Guharze village and damaged 3 civilian houses and a civilian car. Community Peacemaker Teams is highly concerned about this escalation of Turkish military operations and its harm to civilians and civilian infrastructure. CPT fears that if the operations continue, hundreds of families will be displaced.

British Consul General Visits Draw Media

The new British Consulate-General in the Kurdistan Region, Andrew Beasley, and a diplomatic staff of the British Consulate-General in Erbil visited Draw media headquarter in Sulaymaniyah today. In a meeting with Draw Media editorial staff, the British consulate team discussed the upcoming election and the current situation in the Kurdistan region. Draw Media staff explained the situation of journalism and their expectation about the elections, oil and freedom of the press in detail to the consul and diplomatic staff of the British Consulate through Draw Media reports, books, statistics and data.

Position of political parties in the provincial constituencies of the Kurdistan Region

🔻 According to the results of the last Iraqi parliamentary elections in (2021) at the level of the provinces (constituencies) (Erbil, Sulaimani, Duhok and Halabja), the results of the votes and the parties seats in the Kurdistan Parliament are as follows: 🔹 The KDP was the first winner with (597 thousand 234) votes, which is (47%) of the votes, equal to (40) seats in the Kurdistan Parliament, according to the new electoral system. 🔹 The PUK came in second place with (214 thousand 716) votes, which is more than (17%) of the votes, equivalent to (20) seats in the Kurdistan Parliament. 🔹 New Generation Movement comes in third place with (204 thousand 885) votes, which is more than (16%) of the votes, equivalent to (17) seats in the Kurdistan Parliament. 🔹KIU without having candidates in several provincial constituencies came in fourth place with (108 thousand 10) votes and nearly (9%) of the votes. which is equivalent to (8) parliamentary seats. 🔹 Justic Group without having candidates in several constituencies in the provinces and the entire province of Duhok was fifth with (64 thousand 156) votes, wich is (5%) of the votes and (6) parliamentary seats. 🔹 Gorran Movement without candidates in the constituencies of Erbil, Duhok and Halabja came in the sixth place with (22 thousand 91) votes. which is (2%) of the votes and (2) parliamentary seats. 🔹 Independent and other parties with (39 thousand 835) votes which is more than (3%) of the votes and (2) seats in parliament, also (5) quota seats will be allocated to Christians and Turkmen communities.

What are Turkish Armed Forces aiming for in Iraqi Kurdistan?

By Kamaran Osman On January 28, 2024, Turkish armed forces began construction of a military road network in Iraqi Kurdistan. This network connected the military bases built during 2021 in the 'Claw Lightning' operation in the Berwary Balla area of the Kani Masi subdistrict. Turkey constructed this road network in just a few weeks and reached 9km deep inside Iraqi Kurdistan. On April 10, 2024, the Iraqi border guard force constructed two military bases in the villages around Batifa. These military bases, established on Mily Siri and Chapere Englis, were built to stop Turkey from advancing further in Iraq Kurdistan. The construction of these two bases allowed hundreds of families from Kashan, Shilan, Banke and dozens of other villages to return to their villages. Some villagers had been prevented from visiting their lands for 13 years. Shortly after construction was completed, the Turkish Armed Forces began military advancements in the villages of the Berwary Balla area, located in the east of the Batifa district. In the last ten days, Turkish armed forces have entered the villages of Ura, Seraro, Aradina, Keste, Chalke and Babire through the military roads built in January this year. During the last three days, nearly 1000 Turkish soldiers were witnessed going back and forth between the Gre-Barukh military base (Gre-Barukh is the most extensive Turkish military base in Iraqi Kurdistan, which was built in 1997) and Metina mountain behind Bamarne subdistrict. Since the morning of June 25, Turkish Armed Forces have set up a checkpoint between Babire and Kani Belave villages, and whoever travels on that road will have their IDs checked by Turkish soldiers. Turkey's current goal is to establish a security line from Shiladze to Batifa. This security line travels through Deraluke, Bamarne, Kani Mase and Begova subdistricts. The Turkish army would control all the villages, mountains, lands, valleys, and rivers behind this line. In the future, military clashes will happen inside urban areas, and the towns will be the battlegrounds. Another goal of Turkey's military operation is to reach Hawt Tabaq mountain through Shiladze and then control the Gara mountain range. If this happens, the KRG will lose 70% to 75% of its power in the Duhok governorate. At the same time, this military maneuvering is a response to the Iraq border guards' recent base building to prevent Turkey from further entering Iraqi Kurdistan this year. If Turkey achieves their goal in this military operation, then dozens of villages and towns will face serious threats, and hundreds of villagers and civilians will be displaced. An essential portion of Kurdistan's land would be in the hands of the Turkish Armed Forces, and it would be almost impossible to take it back to the KRG and Iraqi government's power.

Kurds drifting away from democracy

In Iraq's autonomous Kurdistan, regional elections are being repeatedly postponed, institutions weakened and structures are becoming more autocratic By Birgit Svensson Super election year 2024: half the world is going to the polls. India, the world's most populous nation, has voted, elections are taking place in Algeria and Tunisia, just as in Britain, France, Austria and the entire European Union. The list is a long one. Elections are a talking point everywhere, with discussions on fairness and credibility, fraud and manipulation. It is quite a different story in the Kurdish region of Iraq, where elections are not on the cards and those responsible are doing everything to ensure it stays that way. The Kurdish regional government's mandate ran out two years ago, but still elections are being repeatedly put off. Like now. Just a month before the last scheduled election date on 10 June, the ballot was cancelled yet again. "Who needs elections here," joked a senior member of the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) in Erbil. "Elections, what are they?" jeered students at the University of Kurdistan Hewler (KUH) in the capital of the Autonomous Region Kurdistan. "Elections in Kurdistan are flawed," says Thomas Schmidinger, Associate Professor at the KUH, summarising the matter. The Austrian lectures in politics and international relations at the university and has lived in Iraqi Kurdistan for years. The autonomous parliament has no say, he adds. "Two dynasties govern here." In the provinces of Erbil and Dohuk the Barzani clan holds power, in Sulaymaniyah it is the Talabanis. The two families work everything out between themselves, says Schmidinger. Kurdistan in crisis Newly emerging opposition parties threaten to disrupt this power structure, he says. The two families are afraid of such developments. Since October 2022, when the first regular election date was set, the parties have been locked in incessant conflict. Sometimes one party doesn't want to take part in the elections, sometimes it is the other. Institutional squabbles such as the recent row over the electoral commission serve as a pretext for the postponements. Iraqi Kurdistan, the three autonomous provinces in the northeast of Iraq, the showcase project for democracy and economic growth, is mired in crisis. Things have been going downhill since 2013 with no progress for two years. While the rest of Iraq is currently making robust progress, Kurdistan continues on its downward trajectory. Officials say it is all the fault of the IS terror militia, the pandemic and Baghdad. Politicians in the Iraqi capital aren't well-disposed towards the Kurds, they say. Some even claim a deep enmity between Baghdad and Erbil. Akin to the era of Saddam Hussein, who fought the Kurds because they repeatedly rose up against him. But now, there's a new narrative doing the rounds concerning who or what might be responsible for Kurdistan's misery: ask around in Erbil, it is neighbouring Iran that's to blame for everything. This theory claims Iran wants to weaken the Kurds, in particular the KDP, which is dominated by the Barzani clan. There's a reason why the Kurds' number one enemy is no longer in Baghdad, but Tehran. Since the Hamas attack on Israel and the subsequent outbreak of the Gaza war in October, there have been increasingly frequent missile and done attacks on targets in Iraqi Kurdistan. The airport in Erbil has already been attacked several times, the homes of influential Kurds near Erbil were bombed and destroyed, civilians killed. Iran is firing on its neighbour. But this view doesn't go far enough to explain the problem. Dlawer Ala'Aldeen takes a deeper dive when analysing the Kurds' precarious situation. For the director of the renowned think tank MERI (Middle East Research Institute) and former higher education minister for the Kurdish regional government (KRG), the current crisis is inherent in the system. Central government in Baghdad is unwilling to push ahead with decentralisation as stated in constitution and demanded by the Kurds, he says. The federalism enshrined as Iraq's political system only exists on paper. This is also evident from the example of the provinces of Basra and Anbar, also striving for autonomous status like the Kurds, something vehemently rejected by Baghdad. Western partners remain silent This is why elections in Kurdistan aren't the same as they are elsewhere. Nevertheless, Ala'Aldeen continues, western partners with whom the Kurds feel an alliance, regard elections to the regional parliament as a domestic Iraqi matter and aren't doing enough to insist that they be carried out. If American, British, French and even German heads of state shake hands in Erbil and ignore Baghdad, this isn't fostering greater understanding but rather confirming that the Kurds – and above all the Barzani-dominated KDP – can do whatever they want, says Ala'Aldeen. This was how the KDP grew to be Kurdistan's most powerful party. Whereas the Talabani clan's PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) seeks a productive relationship with Baghdad, this is rejected by the KDP in Erbil. "In actual fact what we've got is a transitional government, as the legislative period has expired, but everyone still accepts it. So why hold elections if the legitimacy's already there?" asks Ala'Aldeen. This although attempts to develop democratic structures here were very promising, making Kurdistan a showcase region in Iraq. While terror and civil war raged in the rest of the country, the three autonomous provinces in the northeast flourished. Investment waves came thick and fast, the region prospered. When IS was defeated in 2017, the Kurdish region's president at the time Masoud Barzani initiated a referendum on an independent Kurdistan. An overwhelming majority of Kurds voted in favour. Trouble was, Barzani hadn't asked his neighbours or other nations what they thought. In the end, even the United States, the Kurds' closest ally, rejected the idea of a separate Kurdish state ceded from Baghdad. Tensions between the two major Kurdish parties, the KDP and PUK, worsened following regional elections in 2018. Masoud Barzani stepped down to make way for his son and nephew, who have since shared leadership of the KRG and become increasingly authoritarian. Corruption and nepotism spread unchecked, journalists were threatened and even killed if they reported on the machinations of the Barzani clan, students were forced to join the party, public sector wages often went unpaid for months. When, in March 2023, a court in Paris ruled that contracts concluded by the Autonomous Region of Kurdistan bypassing Baghdad were illegal and imposed penalties, Kurdistan was plunged into the most serious crisis since the toppling of Saddam Hussein in the year 2003. The pipeline that transported Kurdish oil to the Turkish port of Ceyhan for onward shipping has been closed ever since. Kurdistan can no longer export its oil. "This must change," says Hoshyar Zebari, long-time Iraqi foreign minister and now a member of the KDP's Central Committee. "We must hold the elections to gain new legitimacy and regain credibility," he says. He is sure that the ballot will take place this year. So, the party with the word democracy in its name wants to be democratic once again? There are many Kurds who doubt that.

APIKUR made three proposals to resolve the financial entitlements of companies

The Association of the Petroleum Industry of Kurdistan (APIKUR) has expressed its satisfaction with the agreement reached between the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the State Organization for Marketing of Oil (SOMO). In a post on social media platform X (formerly known as Twitter), APIKUR announced, “APIKUR member companies agree with the statement made by KRG in their recent Council of Ministers meeting that direct sales agreements between international oil companies (IOCs) and SOMO offer the best option for resolving the current situation.” The statement further emphasized the importance of these agreements providing IOCs with surety for payment through mechanisms such as upfront payment, escrow arrangements, or payments in-kind at Ceyhan. The Association of the Petroleum Industry of Kurdistan (APIKUR) has made three proposals to resolve the payment of companies' financial entitlements. The Association of the Petroleum Industry of Kurdistan (APIKUR)'s first proposal is to pay the money at the beginning of oil exports. The second is by depositing money in an independent bank account as a guarantee. The third option is that the Iraqi government can give the companies their shares in the form of barrels of oil in the port of Jayhan instead of money.