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هه‌واڵ / جیهان

The Kurdish smuggler that is wanted by European countries

I am sitting in a shopping mall in Iraq, face-to-face with one of Europe’s most notorious people-smugglers. His name is Barzan Majeed, and he is wanted by police forces in several countries, including the UK. Over the course of our conversation - both here and the next day at his office - he says he does not know how many migrants he has transported across the English Channel. “Maybe a thousand, maybe 10,000. I don’t know, I didn’t count.” The meeting is the culmination of what had seemed like an impossible task a few months earlier. Together with Rob Lawrie, a former soldier who works with refugees, I had set out to find and question the man known as Scorpion. For several years, he and his gang controlled much of the people-smuggling trade - in boats and lorries - across the English Channel. More than 70 migrants have died making the crossing by boat since 2018 - last month, five people were killed off the French coast, including a seven-year-old girl. It is a dangerous journey, but for the smugglers it can be very lucrative. They can charge £6,000 per person for a boat crossing - and with nearly 30,000 people attempting it in 2023, the potential for profit is obvious. Our interest in Scorpion had begun with a little girl we met in one of the migrant camps near Calais, in northern France. She had almost died trying to cross the English Channel in an inflatable dinghy. The dinghy was not seaworthy - it was cheap, bought second-hand in Belgium - and the 19 people on board had no lifejackets. Who would send people out to sea like this? When police in the UK pick up illegal migrants, they take and inspect their mobile phones. From 2016 onwards, the same number kept cropping up. Often it would be stored under the name “Scorpion”. Sometimes it would be stored as a picture of a scorpion. Martin Clarke, a senior investigating officer at the UK’s National Crime Agency (NCA) told us that officers started to realise “Scorpion” referred to a Kurdish Iraqi man called Barzan Majeed. As a 20-year-old in 2006, Majeed had himself been smuggled into England in the back of a lorry. Despite being refused leave to remain a year later, he stayed several more years in the UK - some of it in prison for gun and drug offences. He was finally deported to Iraq in 2015. Shortly after this, it is believed that Majeed “inherited” a people-smuggling business from his elder brother, who was serving a jail sentence in Belgium. Majeed became known as Scorpion. Between 2016 and 2021, Scorpion's gang is believed to have controlled much of the people-smuggling trade between Europe and the UK. A two-year international police operation resulted in convictions for 26 members of the gang at courts in the UK, France and Belgium. But Scorpion himself evaded arrest and went on the run. In his absence, he was tried in a Belgian court and convicted of 121 counts of people-smuggling. In October 2022, he was sentenced to 10 years in jail and fined €968,000 (£834,000). Since then, Scorpion’s whereabouts were unknown. This was the mystery we wanted to crack. A contact of Rob introduced us to an Iranian man who said he dealt with Scorpion when he had been trying to get across the Channel. Scorpion had told the Iranian he was based in Turkey, from where he was co-ordinating his business remotely. In Belgium, we tracked down Majeed’s elder brother - now out of jail. He also said Scorpion was likely to be in Turkey.   For most migrants heading to the UK, Turkey is an important staging post. Because of its immigration laws, it is relatively easy to get a visa to enter the country from Africa, Asia and the Middle East. A tip-off led us to a cafe in Istanbul frequented by people-smugglers. Barzan Majeed had recently been seen there. Our initial enquiries did not go well. We asked the manager if he could tell us about the trade - the cafe went quiet. Soon after, a man passed our table and unzipped his jacket to show us he was carrying a gun. It was a reminder that we were dealing with dangerous people. Our next stop yielded more promising results. We were told that Majeed had recently deposited €200,000 (£172,000) at a money exchange a few streets away. We left our number there, and in the middle of the following night, Rob's phone rang. The caller ID said “Number withheld” - on the end of the line was someone claiming to be Barzan Majeed. It was so late, and so unexpected, there was no time to record the beginning of the call. Rob recalled the voice on the line: “He goes, ‘I hear you’re looking for me.’ And I go, ‘Who are you? Scorpion?’ He goes, ‘Ha, you want to call me that? That’s fine.’” There was no way of telling whether this was the real Barzan Majeed, but the details he gave tallied with what we knew. He said he had been living in Nottingham until 2015 when he was deported. But he denied being involved in the trafficking business. “This is not true!” he protested. “It’s just the media.” The line kept cutting out, and despite our gentle probing, he gave no clue as to his location. We had no idea when, or if, he would call again. Meanwhile, a local contact of Rob told us that Scorpion was now involved in smuggling migrants from Turkey to Greece and Italy. What we heard was disturbing. Up to 100 men, women and children were being crowded on to yachts that were licensed to carry about 12 people. The yachts would be often piloted by smugglers with no experience of sailing, and would take a dangerous route between clusters of small islands to avoid coastguard patrols. There was big money to be made. Passengers were said to be paying about €10,000 each for a place on one of these boats. Over the past 10 years, more than 720,000 people are thought to have attempted to cross the eastern Mediterranean into Europe - of those, nearly 2,500 died, most by drowning. Julia Schafermeyer, from the charity SOS Mediterranean, says the traffickers put people's lives in great danger: “I don't think it makes any difference to them whether these people live or die.” About this time, we had the chance to put this question to Scorpion directly. Out of the blue, he called us again. Once again, he denied being a smuggler. However, his definition of the word seemed to be someone who physically carried out the task, rather than someone pulling the strings. “You have to be there,” he told us, adding: “Even now, I’m not there.” He was just the “money man”, he said. Majeed also seemed to show little sympathy for drowned migrants. “God [writes it down] when you’re going to pass away, but this is sometimes your fault,” he said. “God doesn’t never say ‘Go inside the boat’.” Our next stop was the resort of Marmaris, where Turkish police said they believed Scorpion owned a villa. We asked around and received a call from someone who said they had been friendly with him. She knew Majeed was involved in people-smuggling, and said that although this caused him stress, his worry was about the money, not the fate of the migrants. “He didn’t care about them - that's really sad, isn’t it?” she said. “It’s something I think back on and feel some shame because I... heard things and I knew they weren’t good.” She added that she had not seen him at his villa in Marmaris recently, although someone had told her he could be in Iraq. This was borne out by another contact, who said they had actually seen Scorpion at a money exchange in Sulaymaniyah, a city in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. We set off. If we could not find Scorpion there, we decided we would have to give up. But Rob’s contact managed to get in touch with him. At first, he was very suspicious, worried we somehow planned to snatch him and take him back to Europe. A flurry of text messages followed, first through Rob’s contact and then with Rob himself. Scorpion said he might meet us, but only if he was allowed to choose the venue. We ruled that out, worried he might be setting us up. And then a text message arrived, asking simply: “Where are you?” We said we were on our way to a nearby mall. Scorpion told us to meet him there in a coffee shop on the ground floor. Finally, we saw him.   Barzan Majeed looked like an affluent golfer. He was smartly dressed, in new jeans, a light-blue shirt and a black gilet. When he put his hands on the table, I saw his fingernails were manicured. Meanwhile, three men took a seat at a nearby table. His security team, we guessed. Once more, he denied being a big player at the top of a criminal organisation. He said other gang members had tried to implicate him. “A couple of people, when they get arrested, they say, ‘We’re working for him’. They want to get less sentence.” He also seemed bitter that other smugglers had been given British passports and carried on their trade. “In three days, one guy sent 170 or 180 people from Turkey to Italy, still holding a British passport!” he says. “I want to go to some other country to do business. I can’t.” When we pressed him about his responsibility for migrant deaths, he repeated what he had said on the phone - that he just took the money and booked places. For him, a smuggler was someone who loaded the people onto boats and lorries and transported them: “I never put anybody in a boat and I never kill anybody.” The conversation ended, but Scorpion invited Rob to see the money exchange he worked from in Sulaymaniyah. It was a small office - there was some writing in Arabic on the window and a couple of mobile phone numbers. People came here to pay for passage. Rob said that while he was there he saw a man carrying a box full of cash. On this occasion, Scorpion talked about how he got into the business in 2016, when many thousands of people were heading into Europe. “Nobody forced them. They wanted to,” he said. “They were begging the smugglers, ‘Please, please do this for us.’ Sometimes the smugglers say, ‘Just because of the sake of God, I will help them’. And then they complain, they say, ‘Oh this, that...’ No, this is not true.” Between 2016 and 2019, Scorpion said he had been one of two main people heading operations in Belgium and France, and admitted he had handled millions of dollars at that time. “I done them kind of things. Money, location, passengers, smugglers... I was between all of them.” He denied that he was still involved in people-smuggling, but his actions seemed to contradict this. Scorpion did not realise it, but as he scrolled through his mobile phone, Rob caught a reflection of the screen in a polished picture frame on the wall behind. What Rob could see was lists of passport numbers. We later learned that smugglers would send these to Iraqi officials. They would then be bribed to issue false visas so migrants could travel to Turkey. That was the last we saw of Scorpion. At every stage, we shared our discoveries with the authorities in the UK and Europe. Ann Lukowiak, a public prosecutor in Belgium who was involved in convicting Scorpion, still hopes that one day he will be extradited from Iraq. “It’s important to us to have sent the signal that you can't do what you want,” she says. “We will eventually take him down.”  

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Türkiye’s Strikes Wreak Havoc on Northeast Syria

Critical Infrastructure Damaged, Millions Without Access to Essential Services Hiba Zayadin As the world's attention remains fixed on the devastating conflict unfolding in Gaza, another crisis is intensifying under the radar in northeast Syria. There, Türkiye’s airstrikes and drone attacks on critical civilian infrastructure are putting livelihoods at risk and severing communities from electricity, medical care, and other essential services. In late October 2023, Human Rights Watch reported that Turkish strikes on Kurdish-held areas of northeast Syria had resulted in water and electricity disruptions for millions of people. Back then, Turkish forces struck water and electrical power stations, oil installations, and the only operational gas plant for domestic use in all of northeast Syria. In December and January, Türkiye intensified its strikes to include medical facilities and crucial access roads used by humanitarian responders, according to the Northeast Syria (NES) NGO Forum, a coalition of international organizations operating in the area. Attacks which cause disproportionate damage to civilians and civilian objects are prohibited under international humanitarian law, and deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure is a war crime. The repeated strikes on civilian infrastructure have left many essential facilities in ruins, rendering hospitals, bakeries, and water facilities inoperable. Fuel, needed for cooking, heating, and farming, is running out. On January 29, the NES NGO forum said that 1 million people in cities and villages had been cut off from electricity, and over 2 million people had limited access to safe water. Damage to medical facilities targeted in December has disrupted the oxygen supply to more than a dozen private and public hospitals, and strikes on 28 health facilities have disrupted their services, increasing the risk of water-borne diseases. The forum warned that the “scale of damage far supersedes the humanitarian community’s capacity to sustain emergency life-saving service provision.” Türkiye has, for years, carried out military operations and airstrikes in northern Syria with the stated aim of targeting the Syrian Kurdish armed group, the People’s Protections Unit (YPG). Türkiye views the YPG as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), an armed group based in Türkiye and Iraq, which it considers a terrorist organization. As the crisis in Northeast Syria escalates, action is needed to mitigate the humanitarian impacts on the civilian population. Türkiye should immediately stop targeting critical civilian infrastructure, respect international humanitarian law and hold to account those responsible for serious violations. All countries need to address the plight of the region's populace even if other conflicts are dominating the headlines.

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2023 prison census: Jailed journalist numbers near record high

Israel emerged as one of the world’s leading jailers of journalists following the October 7 start of the Israel-Gaza war, the Committee to Protect Journalists’ 2023 prison census has found. Israel ranked sixth – tied with Iran – behind China, Myanmar, Belarus, Russia, and Vietnam, respectively. Middle East and North Africa Egypt, routinely among the world’s worst jailers, tied with Turkey for the eighth-highest number of jailed journalists globally – 13 – in the 2023 census. Saudi Arabia was ninth, with 10 journalists behind bars. Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and Iraqi Kurdistan have all expanded the use of false news, terrorism, and anti-state charges against journalists in recent years. Egyptian authorities regularly work around legislation limiting prisoners’ pretrial detention to two years by filing additional charges to extend that period. Cases in point: freelancer Mohamed Said Fahmy, has spent more than four and a half years in pretrial detention after being arrested on false news and terrorism charges in 2018. He was scheduled for release in 2020 and 2021, but his detention was extended after prosecutors added further charges. Mostafa Mohamed Saad, a senior cameraman for Qatari broadcasting network Al-Jazeera, has been held in pretrial detention in Cairo on terrorism and false news charges since 2019.  No new jailings were reported from Bahrain and Syria, which still held five journalists each in 2023, or from Morocco and Algeria, which each held three. Iraq’s four jailed journalists included one new prisoner in Iraqi Kurdistan. In Tunisia, Khalifa Guesmi was taken into custody in September to serve a five-year prison sentence on charges of disclosing national security information. Earlier in the year, an appeals court had increased his sentence from one to five years... Continue.  

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Turkey says tanker seized by Iran carrying Turkish oil purchased from Iraq

Turkey’s main oil refiner Tupras said Thursday that a ship seized by Iran off the coast of Oman is laden with Turkish crude imported from Iraq.  Iran’s navy seized the Marshall Islands-flagged tanker St Nikolas, Iranian state media reported earlier Thursday. The move, according to the Iranian navy, came in retaliation for the confiscation of the same ship’s cargo by the United States in 2023. Under the name of Suez Rajan, the ship was laden with sanctioned Iranian oil and was bound for China before its owners were convinced by US officials to redirect to the United States.   Tupras said in a statement that radio communication with the Greek-owned and Tupras-chartered vessel was cut off at around 6:30 a.m. Istanbul time Thursday off the coast of Oman.  The tanker is carrying 140 metric tons of crude oil Tupras purchased from Iraqi state oil marketer SOMO and was en route to Turkey’s western port of Aliaga from Basra in Iraq, the statement added.  The ship’s Athens-based operator, Empire Navigation, told Reuters that the vessel’s 19-member crew consisted of 18 Filipino nationals and one Greek citizen.  Thursday's raid came after the US Navy reduced its presence in the Gulf region and diverted part of its Navy forces to the eastern Mediterranean as part of efforts to prevent the Israel-Hamas war from spreading to the broader region. Tensions between Washington and Tehran further escalated last week after the assassination of senior Hamas official Saleh al-Arouri in a Beirut neighborhood, which is under the influence of Iran-allied Hezbollah. Dozens of commercial shipping tankers in the region have been seized or harassed by Iran’s navy over the past few years. As Iranian attempts to seize commercial vessels increased following the confiscation of the Suez Rajan’s cargo, the United States beefed up allied patrols in Strait of Hormuz, increasing its military buildup in the region. Last year, the Biden administration also weighed a plan to deploy US Marines on commercial tankers but the plan was never approved.  

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Iran's Proxies In Iraq Target Israel’s Eilat, Jordan Intercepts

Iran-backed Iraqi militias launched a drone attack on the Israeli port city of Eilat, but the drone was intercepted by Jordan in its airspace. The Islamic Resistance in Iraq, an umbrella term for multiple Iran’s proxies, claimed responsibility on X for the failed attack on Friday morning. In the statement, they claimed the drone had hit the target. According to Hebrew-language daily newspaper Maariv, the Jordanian Defense Ministry announced that it had shot down the drone after it had crossed into Jordanian airspace Islamic Resistance in Iraq said the attack is in support of the people of Gaza, who have been under heavy Israeli fire since October 7, when Tehran-backed Islamist militant group Hamas declared war on Israel, killing 1,200 mostly civilians and taking 240 hostages. According to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, the Islamic Resistance in Iraq (IRI) is not a fixed group "but rather a generic name used to denote unity among Iran-backed armed groups. The "generic, no-logo brand" militia is part of Iran's "facade strategy" to avoid accountability for attacks on Americans, which have been intensified by the Gaza crisis. The institute suggests that Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is likely coordinating the attacks and "corralling" Iran's proxies which would normally argue over public leadership. The attack on Eilat is part of Iran's attempts to use proxy groups around the Middle East to put pressure on the US and Israel, as has been the case with increased Houthi attacks in the Red Sea. Israel's Eilat Port has seen an 85% drop in activity since Iran-backed Houthi militants in Yemen stepped up attacks on shipping in the Red Sea, the port's chief executive said on Thursday. Also on Thursday, the US Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that Assad Air Base in Iraq’s western province of Anbar, hosting American forces, was targeted by Iran-backed proxy forces in Iraq, who have launched around 100 such attacks since October 7.

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118 arbitrary detentions by Iranian government in November

Hengaw Organization According to data registered at the Statistics and Documentation Center of the Hengaw Organization, in November 2023, Iranian government security forces detained a minimum of 118 individuals. This reflects a 61% reduction when contrasted with the 303 individuals detained in the preceding month of October. The report reveals that in November 2023, the security forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran arbitrarily detained and forcibly disappeared a total of 44 Kurdish individuals, 7 Baloch people, 40 women, 5 children, and 18 Baha'i adherents.   More than 43% of those detainees are Kurdish or Baloch According to Hengaw's statistics, during November, at least 44 Kurdish individuals were detained by Iranian government entities, comprising 37% of the total detentions across Iran during the past month. During the same period, 7 Baloch individuals were also detained by government security forces, accounting for 6% of all detentions. Furthermore, during the past month, 9 Gilak activists, 5 Lor and Bakhtiari individuals, and 5 Turkish individuals were detained by security forces.   Detained Religious Minority Activists; The arbitrary detention of religious minority activists persisted in November, mirroring previous months, with government entities detaining a minimum of 26 individuals. Among those arrested, 18 were Baha'i adherents, comprising 12 women and 6 men. Furthermore, during the same period, Iranian government entities detained four Kurdish Yarsan adherents in Kermanshah province and four Sunni figures from Kurdistan and Sistan-Baluchistan.   Detention of 40 females and 5 minors in November; According to the statistics at the Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, at least 40 females were detained across Iran during the past month. This number accounts for 34% of all detentions. In the last month, at least 12 female Baha'i adherents, 7 Gilak women activists, and 2 Kurdish women activists were arrested. Additionally, during the same period, five minors under the age of 18 were detained or forcibly disappeared by security and government entities across Iran. These five detainee children are Kurdish from Piranshahr.   Detention of teachers, students, and media activists; During November 2023, based on Hengaw's statistics, at least 2 students in the cities of Tabriz and Karaj, as well as 9 teachers in the cities of Abdanan, Firuz Abad, Shiraz, Ahvaz, and Mashahd, were detained. It is also important to note that during the past month, at least six journalists and media activists, as well as nine artists and actors in various cities across Iran, were detained by government entities.

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As Turkey intensifies war on Kurdish militants in Iraq, civilians are suffering

Seventeen-year-old Samir Saado was finishing his cleaning shift at the village medical centre when an airstrike hit the building. "I didn't see anything other than dust and smoke," said Saado, a member of Iraq’s minority Yazidi community. "My leg was stuck under the rubble. I called for help and people were coming but the planes kept striking.” At least four civilians were killed that day, Aug. 17, 2021, local officials said. Among the dead was Saado’s father, who worked as a cook at the centre in Iraq’s northern Sinjar province, about 100 km (62 miles) from the Turkish border. Saado suffered a broken pelvis and a cracked skull. The strike was part of escalating attacks by Turkish aircraft and drones in mainly Kurdish areas of Iraq and Syria, which have since continued, a Reuters data analysis shows. Western firms have supplied critical components for the drones, which Kurdish and Iraqi officials say Turkey is deploying with increasing frequency. Airstrikes have surged since Turkey launched “Operation Claw-Lock” in April last year. The aim, the Turkish Defence Ministry says, is to protect Turkey’s borders and “neutralise terrorism and terrorists at source.” Earlier this month , Turkey unleashed air strikes on militant targets in northern Iraq and Syria after the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) said it was behind a bomb attack near government buildings in Ankara, in which two police officers were injured. Northern Iraq is the base of the PKK, which over decades has carried out many deadly attacks in Turkey and is labelled a terrorist organisation by the United States and European Union. Turkish operations in Syria target the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG), a militia that Ankara says is a PKK-affiliated terrorist group. The YPG is part of the Syrian Democratic Forces, a U.S. ally against Islamic State. Turkey’s Defence Ministry said in a statement to Reuters that all of its operations fall “within the framework of international law, respecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all our neighbours.” “In the planning and execution of the operations, only terrorists and their positions, warehouses and shelters are targeted, and the utmost care and sensitivity is shown to prevent harm to civilians and to prevent damage to infrastructure and cultural sites.” Any claims to the contrary “are unfounded, slanderous, and lies,” the statement said. Reuters could not reach the PKK. The Syrian Democratic Forces said Turkish strikes in Syria are unjustified. A YPG spokesperson said its forces “did not fire a single shot in the direction of the Turkish state.” Reuters analysed violent incidents recorded by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a global research organisation that collects reports from media outlets, government reports, non-governmental groups and other sources. This analysis shows that in 2022, Turkey carried out at least 2,044 airstrikes in mostly Kurdish areas of Iraq and Syria, a 53% increase on the previous year and the highest number since ACLED began documenting strikes across the two countries in 2017. The figure is likely a conservative estimate because Reuters’ analysis excluded airstrikes that may have been conducted in battle. ACLED draws information about airstrikes in northern Iraq and Syria from sources including the PKK’s military wing, the Turkish state-owned news agency Anadolu and conflict monitors the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, Airwars and Liveuamap....continue reading.

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What Did Nasrallah Really Say, and Why?

Hanin Ghaddar The Washington Institute The Hezbollah leader’s first public remarks on Gaza were cautious in tone and vague on substance, but the group may not stay deterred indefinitely if its political or tactical situation changes. As expected, Hezbollah secretary-general leader Hassan Nasrallah did not declare war against Israel today—rather, his first public speech on the Gaza conflict served as a reminder that his calculations on the crisis are the same as Iran’s, and that preserving Tehran’s plausible deniability for the actions of its proxies is paramount. (For English excerpts and analysis of the speech, see this live update thread by L’Orient Today.) In addition to assuring the international community that Iran is not responsible for any of Hamas’s actions, he also told Hamas that it is on its own: “This is a purely Palestinian battle and is not related to any regional or international file.” In other words, the “united front” is not that united. Rather than joining the actual fight, Nasrallah asked his supporters to fight the war of public opinion, essentially arguing that the battlefield is online, not in Gaza. The speech’s understated tone was more surprising—Nasrallah showed far less anger and agitation compared to his past speeches on conflicts in Syria and Yemen. After one month of eerie silence and three pre-speech trailers full of suspense, most observers anticipated a little escalation, even if mostly rhetorical. Yet his tone was largely muted and his red lines were vague. Besides warning that any Lebanese civilian fatalities would force Hezbollah to kill Israeli civilians in return, he offered the standard ambiguous rhetoric about choosing “the right time and place” to retaliate for Israel’s actions in Gaza. His bottom line was clear: for now at least, Hezbollah will not participate in the war beyond the current border skirmishes. (For more on Hezbollah’s attacks so far, see The Washington Institute’s interactive tracking map.) His warnings to the United States were more specific and potentially escalatory—he noted that Yemen’s Houthis will continue firing missiles northward, and that Iraqi militias will keep targeting the U.S. presence in both their country and Syria. Yet he was careful not to implicate Tehran in these Iranian proxy actions, nor did he threaten to use Hezbollah’s own weapons against U.S. forces. Indeed, Washington’s timely military deployments so close to Lebanon have seemingly played a major deterrent role for the group. Nasrallah’s speech was no doubt deeply disappointing for his supporters in Lebanon and the wider region, many of whom expected a more aggressive response by the alleged leader of the “resistance.” It was also disappointing for Hamas, which will probably feel less secure and more isolated now—and perhaps more inclined to negotiate and compromise. Yet the speech’s most serious repercussions will be felt in the realm of Hezbollah’s legitimacy. Nasrallah essentially declared that he will not be involved in the battle to “free Palestine,” a goal that lies at the core of his resistance narrative. In doing so, he confirmed that Hezbollah’s mission has drastically shifted since the 2006 war—from “resisting” Israel to protecting its own (and, by extension, Iran’s) interests in the region. Without the legitimizing power of resistance rhetoric, the group’s regional (and, perhaps, domestic) support base may lose faith in both Hezbollah and Tehran. Indeed, this predicament has bedeviled Hezbollah since 2006. Despite engaging in a month’s worth of calculated attacks along the border, the group’s military strength is becoming a weakness of sorts, since flexing its muscles more than it already has would increase the risk of a major Israeli response. Hezbollah has long used the threat of its increasingly advanced arsenal as a deterrent against Israel. But Nasrallah also knows that these same weapons—particularly its precision-guided missiles—would lose their main value if the group began launching them, since Hezbollah forces and assets would quickly be exposed to a devastating war. Yet by dashing regional expectations for a grand, effective, and united military response against Israel, Nasrallah may incur other costs. In short, the group is damned if it escalates and damned if it doesn’t. Nasrallah also briefly addressed what might happen when the Gaza war is over and Israel turns its full attention back to Lebanon and Hezbollah’s dangerous missiles. The deterrence strategy that was upheld for seventeen years is likely no longer valid now that Israel suffered such horrific casualties at the hands of another neighboring enemy on October 7. Even before the Gaza war, Hezbollah’s border escalation was seemingly changing Israel’s calculus; today, many countries have concluded that groups like Hamas and Hezbollah need to be contained before another October 7 happens. In addition, the United States has reestablished a very strong military presence in the region, and even if some of these deployments prove temporary, the Biden administration’s recent diplomatic activity in the Middle East indicates a longer-term determination to prevent escalation after the war. Nasrallah seems aware of these shifts and has signaled Hezbollah’s unwillingness to change the deterrence policy along the border: “The resistance’s operations in the South tell the enemy that if it carries out an aggression or thinks of waging a preemptive operation, it will be committing the biggest foolishness in its history.” While vague and couched as a warning against Israeli action, this remark essentially communicated that Hezbollah will not escalate unless Israel launches some kind of unexpected, large-scale campaign across the northern border. Despite Nasrallah’s rhetorical caution, however, the fact remains that more and more military clashes are occurring on Lebanon’s border daily, so the risks of miscalculation are rising as well. Whether he likes it or not, he may eventually find himself having to make a very different speech in the midst of unintended escalation with Israel. Alternatively, Hezbollah may one day improve its financial situation and boost its military apparatus to the point where it is truly ready to face Israel in a full-scale conflict. Either way, the United States and its partners must continue signaling Hezbollah and Iran that they are willing to strike back if the group miscalculates its current level of attacks or changes its tactics. They should also start formulating a new Iran policy—one that addresses all of Iran’s militias and destabilizing activities in the region. Otherwise, they risk leaving themselves vulnerable to a repeat of October 7 on another frontier.

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Zhina Amini awarded top EU human rights prize

Mahsa Amini and the Woman, Life and Freedom Movement in Iran were on Thursday awarded the European Parliament's Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. "The 16 September 2022 is a date that will live in infamy and the brutal murder of 22-year-old Jina Mahsa Amini marked a turning point. It has triggered a women-led movement that is making history," European Parliament President Roberta Metsola said after announcing the winner.  "The world has heard the chants of "women, life, liberty", three words that have become a rallying cry for all those standing up for equality, for dignity and for freedom in Iran.  "So let's today's prize serve as a tribute to the brave and defiant women, men and young people of Iran who despite coming under increasing pressure are leading the push for change. The European Parliament hears you, the world sees you and we are with you," she added.  The Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, given each year since 1988 by the European Parliament, is the European Union's highest tribute to human rights defenders and comes with a €50,000 endowment.  Last year it was awarded to the "brave people" of Ukraine defending their country against Russia's relentless invasion. Women rights' defenders and Nicaraguan activists Two other nominees made it on the finalist shortlist. Women fighting for free, safe and legal abortion were nominated by the Left group which highlighted three women in particular including Justyna Wydrzyńska. The Polish activist is a member of the Abortion Dream Team, a grassroots initiative that provides direct and immediate assistance to women who need abortions. She was sentenced to eight months community service for helping a woman obtain an abortion in Poland, whose government rolled out a near-total ban on pregnancy terminations in 2021. The two other women included were Morena Herrera, a feminist and social activist, advocating for safe and legal abortion access in El Salvador, and Colleen McNicholas, an American obstetrician-gynaecologist with a strong track record of high-quality patient care and impactful reproductive health advocacy. The nomination of Vilma Núñez de Escorcia and Monsignor Rolando José Álvarez Lagos from Nicaragua was meanwhile backed by 43 MEPs. Nuñez is a lawyer and human rights activist who has chosen to remain in the country despite being jailed and tortured. Álvarez, Bishop of Matagalpa, is a vocal critic of President Daniel Ortega's Sandinista regime. He was sentenced to 26 years in prison earlier this year and his nationality was suspended after he was charged with treason, undermining national integrity and spreading false news.  The prize will be given at a ceremony in the European Parliament in Strasbourg on 13 December.  The Prize is named in honour of Soviet physicist and political dissident and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Andrei Sakharov.  

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US sends radar system to its forces in Syria

The United States provided its forces in the Deir Ez-Zor province in eastern Syria with a radar system after oil fields in the area were attacked by “foreign terrorist groups backed by Iran,” local sources reported. The sources told the Anadolu Agency that US forces brought four radar systems from Iraq to their base in the Al-Shaddadah area, in Al-Hasakah province, northeastern Syria, through the Al-Walid border gate on Saturday. US forces deployed radar systems in Al-Omar oil and Konko gas fields in Deir Ez-Zor yesterday, according to the same sources. A radar-linked missile system was also deployed at the two sites, the model of which was not identified. The sources stated that the deployment of the radar system was to respond to any attacks by Iranian-backed terrorist groups west of the Euphrates River. On 17 July, Washington reinforced its forces in Syria with four Himars missile launchers, 15 artillery batteries, five armoured vehicles, five tanks, and 45 ammunition-loaded vehicles, which arrived at its base in Al-Shaddadah.

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This war will not stop only between Israel and Hamas but will spread to other countries

Draw Media Israeli citizens are still searching for the answer! what was it that happened? Was it the failure of the Israeli army and intelligence or is the war itself a scenario? Officials say they will postpone the response until after the War. This war will be long and will not stop only between Israel and Hamas but will spread to other countries. This is the war between Israel and the United States against Iran. In order not to be burned by the flames of the war, the Kurds must remain neutral and not get involved in the agenda of their neighbors. The war is much bigger and will change the map of the Middle East. Ilan Israel, a Kurdish journalist and political observer living in Israel, spoke to Draw Media from Tel Aviv..Here is the full interview in Kurdish

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Syrian Democratic Council calls for international action against Turkey’s strikes

The Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), a part of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, has released a statement on the anniversary of the "Peace Spring" operation, where the Turkish Armed Forces captured the cities of Serêkaniyê (Ras al-Ain) and Girê Spî (Tal Abyad) in northern Syria. In the statement, the SDC noted that four years after the operation, Turkey's attacks on North and East Syria continue. They called on the international coalition led by the United States, as well as Russia, to take action. According to Hawar News Agency (ANHA), the statement criticized Turkey's airstrikes and drone attacks on the region's infrastructure and energy centers. It emphasized that Turkey's ongoing attacks on the region have tragically affected the lives of more than five million people. The SDC called on Russia and the international coalition, including the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, to fulfill their responsibilities and urgently take steps to stop the attacks and protect the region. The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria previously declared three days of mourning following an airstrike on the Internal Security Forces Academy in Derik, affiliated with the Haseke governorate, on October 8, which resulted in the loss of 29 lives and injuries to 28 others. At least 45 fatalities At least 45 people have lost their lives in the airstrikes that began after Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan's statement on October 4, indicating that infrastructure and superstructure in North and East Syria would be targeted, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights based in London. According to the Observatory's reports: - 30 Asayish members in the village of Gucerat in the rural area of Haseke - One person at a petrol station in El-Kahtaniye - Six members of the Internal Security Forces in Haseke city - Two individuals as a result of an attack on a moving vehicle in El-Müşerifa (Mişêrfa) in the north of Haseke - One civilian in the village of Tel Habeş (Til Hebeş) in Amude district - Five people in Kobanê; two workers in Celabiya, three soldiers in Sırrin lost their lives in the airstrikes.

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Campaigners raise alarm after former Kurdish oil minister sues journalists

ARAB NEWS Campaigners have expressed concern that UK courts are being used to silence critical reporting after a former Kurdish minister sued two journalists who accused him of misconduct, The Times reported. Ashti Hawrami, who served as oil minister of the Kurdistan Regional Government from 2006 to 2019, is taking legal action against journalists Will Jordan and Daniel Balint-Kurti, reporters for the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, over a 2021 article that alleged he had misused his power to grant oil concessions. Hawrami, who was a major player in the Kurdish oil industry, was linked to UK MP and former chancellor Nadhim Zahawi, who worked as a “fixer” for oil company Gulf Keystone. Campaigners say Hawrami’s claim is a “strategic lawsuit against public participation,” or SLAPP, a legal strategy designed to intimidate journalists and discourage public interest reporting. The practice has received increasing scrutiny in the UK, with lawsuits often filed by wealthy or powerful individuals against journalists and activists, who face having their financial resources drained amid costly litigation fees. In a letter to the UK justice secretary last month, editors from several major newspapers, including The Times, The Telegraph and The Guardian, warned that SLAPPs represent a growing threat to press freedom in the UK and Europe. “We are deeply concerned that human rights defenders are facing prison sentences and heavy fines for exercising their right to freedom of expression and opinion,” UN experts said in a statement last year. It is unclear if the case against Jordan and Balint-Kurti will come to court. Hawrami’s lawyers said that they decided to sue OCCRP only after contacting the outlet to dispute the accuracy of several claims. A spokesman for Hawrami’s lawyers, Carter Ruck, said: “There is no proper basis whatsoever to assert that this case is a SLAPP. The position is that our client only very reluctantly brought proceedings in May 2022, over an article published in May 2021, when extensive attempts to resolve his complaint, without recourse to litigation, broke down. “As well as making false claims, the article contains significant errors which to this day have never been corrected. Our client finds himself in the very regrettable position of having been defamed and is entitled to bring legal proceedings seeking to clear his name.” The case is being closely watched by press freedom groups and journalists, who fear that it could set a dangerous precedent for press freedom in the UK.

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Iraq-Turkey oil pipe restart not imminent

The restart of the Iraq-Turkey oil pipeline continues to be "complicated" by financial compensation issues between the two countries and is not imminent, a senior Iraqi source told Argus, as expectations are mounting over a possible return of around 470,000 b/d of northern Iraqi crude following a six-month shut-in. "The issue is not about logistics, but financial commitments," the source said. Talks about how and when to restart pipeline flows have been underway between Turkey and Iraq since late June. And the Turkish official line often attributes the halt in exports to inspection and assessment of the pipeline for earthquake-damage. Iraq's prime minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani and oil minister Hayan Abdulghani also used this justification. But the problem lies with financial compensation, according to the senior Iraqi source. "Turkey cannot pay Iraq the compensation it is required under the arbitration case ruling. The situation is complicated," he said. The Paris-based International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) in March ordered Ankara to pay Baghdad $1.9bn for breaching its contract with Iraq by directly trading oil with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) between 2014 and 2018. It awarded Turkey around $500mn for counterclaims, mainly predicated on low pipeline capacity and unpaid transportation fees dating back to the 1990s. Turkey is also seeking legal action against Iraq, and has filed at the ICC a motion to set aside the arbitration ruling. Another financial layer hinders the restart of 470,000 b/d flows — around 400,000 b/d sold by the KRG and 70,000 b/d of federal Iraqi crude — from Turkey's Ceyhan port, according to the source. "The Turks have loaned the Kurds a certain sum of money. It seems like payback used to happen through Turkey getting a certain share from Kurdish crude exports through the Iraq-Turkey pipeline," the source said. And Turkey wants the money, he said. Turkey's energy minister Alparslan Bayraktar earlier this month said that the pipeline is "more or less ready", but that its restart was down to Erbil and Baghdad. "They need to get together and decide how they're going to proceed," he said. Relations between Erbil and Baghdad have been strained over the past few months, with both sides accusing each other of not upholding their end of the 2023 budget agreement. But Iraq's federal government this month approved an increase in loans to the cash-strapped Kurdistan Region Government (KRG), which could temporarily turn down the heat between the two. And the KRG's finance ministry on 24 September announced that it will begin dispersing public servants' salaries, in a sign that Baghdad began transferring money. Erbil will initially receive 2.1 trillion Iraqi dinars ($1.6bn) for the current fiscal year, to be paid in three ID700bn instalments starting this month.

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Oil exports from northern Iraq to be resumed soon

The Turkish Minister of Energy and Natural Resources, Alparslan Bayraktar, said that the inspection of the oil pipeline between Iraq and Turkey has been completed, and the pipeline will be technically ready for operation soon. Turkey had stopped oil flows through the pipeline in northern Iraq on March 25, after the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) ordered Ankara to pay Baghdad $1.5 billion in compensation for damages caused by the Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) export of oil without permission from the federal government in Baghdad between 2014 and 2018. Turkey began maintenance work on the pipeline, which, according to Turkish officials, passes through a seismically active area and was damaged by floods. “As of today, an independent survey company has completed its work, and they are now preparing the report,” Bayraktar said in a press briefing last Thursday. The Turkish minister did not mention a date for the resumption of oil flows through the pipeline. The Association of the Petroleum Industry of Kurdistan (APIKUR) said at the end of August that the closure of the Iraqi oil export pipeline to the Turkish port of Ceyhan has cost producers and the Iraqi government about $4 billion. According to the APIKUR, which includes a group of foreign and local companies working in oil production, losses are expected to continue despite initial talks between the Iraqi and Turkish governments to resolve the outstanding issue.

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