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هه‌واڵ / جیهان

Iran Is Using Mass Protests To Make Moves On Kurdistan

Iran is seeking to gain a more secure foothold in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), and the protests spreading across Iran present a good justification for Tehran to take action, as well as being a key venue for suppressing the protests. Iran’s relationship with the Iraqi Kurds has changed much over the past decades, particularly since 2003 when the U.S. invasion of Iraq led to the creation of the official KRI, complete with its own oil - ostensibly. When the KRI launched a failed referendum for independence from Baghdad in 2017, the Iranians started to become more active. Tehran’s natural ally in Iraqi Kurdistan is the PUK party, which is no longer the dominant party. The dominant party, the KDP, is closer to Turkey, but its position is also weak - and getting weaker, with Iran happy to fill in the cracks. Since the Kurdish referendum failed, militant Iraqi Kurdish groups have deployed to the Iraq-Iran border, causing significant anxiety in Tehran. These groups, who join the PKK (the Kurdistan Workers Party) in this border region now, are using this move for extra funding (smuggling) and as preparation to pounce should the situation between the U.S. and Iran escalate into a military move by Washington. Or, in an unforeseen development, should nationwide protests create massive instability in Iran, giving the Kurds an open window to make their move (like they did in Syria). From this perspective, Iran’s attacks this week on Iraqi Kurdish…Continue read

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Amnesty International calls for urgent global action against the bloody crackdown in Iran

With the death toll in Iran reaching at least 30 people, four of them children, Amnesty International reiterates its call for urgent global action, warning of the risk of further bloodshed amid a deliberately imposed Internet black out.   The bravery of protesters facing a spiralling deadly response by the Iranian security forces over the past days after the death of Mahsa Amini reveals the extent of outrage in Iran over abusive compulsory veiling laws, unlawful killings, and widespread repression, Amnesty International said on Friday. According to the organization, evidence gathered by the organization from the past two nights of fresh violence in 20 cities and 10 provinces across Iran points to a harrowing pattern of Iranian security forces deliberately and unlawfully firing live ammunition at protesters. With the death toll reaching at least 30 people, four of them children, the organization reiterated its calls for urgent global action, warning of the risk of further bloodshed amid a deliberately imposed Internet black out. On the night of 21 September alone, shootings by security forces left at least 19 people dead, including at least three children. Amnesty International has reviewed photos and videos showing deceased victims with horrifying wounds in their heads, chests and stomachs. “The rising death toll is an alarming indication of just how ruthless the authorities’ assault on human life has been under the darkness of the internet shutdown. There is no such thing as “an impartial investigation” within Iran. UN member states must go beyond toothless statements, hear the cries for justice from victims and human rights defenders in Iran and urgently set up an independent UN investigative mechanism,” said Heba Morayef, Middle East and North Africa Director at Amnesty International. “The anger expressed on the streets has also shown how Iranians feel about the omnipresent so-called ‘morality police’ and compulsory veiling laws. It is high time for these discriminatory laws and the security forces enforcing them to be completely removed from Iranian society, for once and for all.” Amnesty International has recorded the names of 19 people including three children shot dead by security forces on 21 September. The deaths of a further two people, including a 16-year-old bystander, have also been confirmed on 22 September. Further deaths are being investigated. Echoing growing frustration at the international community’s failure to take meaningful action to address successive waves of protest killings in Iran, the father of Milan Haghigi, a 21-year-old man killed by security forces on 21 September, told Amnesty International: “People expect the UN to defend us and the protesters. I, too, can condemn [the Iranian authorities], the whole world can condemn them, but to what end this condemnation?” According to eyewitness accounts, security forces involved in the deadly shootings include Revolutionary Guards agents, paramilitary Basij forces and plainclothes security officials. These security forces have fired live ammunition at protesters with the intention of dispersing, intimidating and punishing them or preventing them from entering state buildings. This is prohibited under international law which restricts the use of firearms to instances where their use is necessary in response to an imminent threat of death or serious injury, and only when less extreme means are insufficient. In addition to the 19 people killed on 21 September, Amnesty International has recorded the names of two other people killed by security forces in Dehdasht, Kohgilouyeh and Bouyer Ahmad province on 22 September, including a 16-year-old bystander. Since nation-wide protests were triggered by the death in police custody of 22-year-old Mahsa (Zhina) Amini after being violently arrested by Iran’s “morality police” in connection with discriminatory and degrading compulsory veiling laws, Amnesty International has recorded the names of 30 people killed by security forces: 22 men, four women and four children. The organization believes the real death toll is higher and investigating further. Deaths were recorded in Alborz, Esfahan, Ilam, Kohgilouyeh and Bouyer Ahmad; Kermanshah; Kurdistan, Manzandan; Semnan; Tehran, West Azerbaijan provinces.

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60% of youth lack digital skills needed for employment

UNICEF and the Education Commission call for urgent investment to address the global learning and skills crisis Nearly three quarters of youth aged 15 to 24 in 92 countries with available data, including Iraq, are off-track to acquire the skills needed for employment, according to a new report published last week by the Education Commission and UNICEF ahead of World Youth Skills Day. The report Recovering learning: Are children and youth on track in skills development? features analyses on skills development in early childhood, and among children of primary school age and youth. The data highlights low levels of skills among children and young people across all age groups, with youth in low-income countries the least likely to have the skills required to thrive, particularly in future employment opportunities, decent work, and entrepreneurship. “An inspired, skilled generation of children and young people is critical for prosperity, progression, and the success of societies and economies. Yet, the majority of children and young people across the world have been failed by their education systems, leaving them uneducated, uninspired, and unskilled -- the perfect storm for unproductivity,” said UNICEF Director of Education Robert Jenkins. “Investment in cost-effective, proven solutions to fasttrack learning and skills development for today’s generation and future generations is urgently needed to address this crisis.” In Iraq, where youth represent the largest segment of the population, the report indicates that 59.2% of the youth aged between 15-24 lack digital skills to perform basic computer-related activities. Youth also lack opportunities to access life-skills based education, employability, and entrepreneurial skills that will enable their smooth transition into the labour market. Moreover, there are limited opportunities to equip youth with necessary skills to increase their civic engagement and enable them to become active and informed citizens and promote their participation in decision-making processes. With high rates of out-of-school young people, low attainment of secondary-level skills, and lack of learning opportunities, countries worldwide are facing a skills crisis, with the majority of youth unprepared to take part in today’s workforce, the report notes. Deep disparities across countries and among those from the poorest communities are increasing inequalities. In at least 1 in 3 low-income countries with available data, more than 85 percent of young people are off-track in the secondary-level, digital, and job-specific skills attainment, the report notes. "To give young people the best chance to succeed and recover learning losses due to the pandemic, we need to support them holistically. But we can't recover what we don't measure. We need to know where children and youth are in building the range of skills they need and monitor their progress. That's why the Education Commission, UNICEF, and partners have been working to address critical data gaps, including the launch of the World Skills Clock to help track progress on and raise awareness around youth skills attainment around the world so we can target urgent action to prepare this generation to thrive in the future," said Education Commission Executive Director Liesbet Steer. Data from 77 countries show that less than three-quarters of children aged between 3 and 5 years old are developmentally on track in at least three out of the four domains of literacynumeracy, physical, social-emotional, and learning. At approximately 10 years old, the majority of children in low- and middle-income countries are unable to read and understand a simple text. These foundational skills are the building blocks for further learning and skills development, the report notes. Basic literacy and numeracy; transferable skills including life skills and socioemotional skills; digital skills, which allow individuals to use and understand technology; job-specific skills, which support the transition into the workforce and promote their social inclusion as agent of change; and entrepreneurial skills are essential for children and youth to thrive. These skills are also critical for the development of societies and economies. “It is critical to build skills of children and youth for them to achieve a deep sense of empowerment. Yet, prolonged school closures due to the COVID-19 pandemic have disrupted their skills development,” says Ms. Sheema SenGupta, UNICEF Representative in Iraq. “UNICEF will continue to work with the Government of Iraq and other partners to ensure more comprehensive and inclusive skills development initiatives are in place to realize the vision where every child and youth develops the full range of skills needed for success in school, work and life.” UNICEF and the Education Commission are urging governments to reach every child and youth with quality education and learning and break down the barriers that put them at risk of dropping out; assess children’s and young people’s learning levels and provide tailored catchup classes and skilling opportunities to bring them up to speed; prioritize foundational skills to build a strong base for lifelong learning; and support psychosocial health and well-being by providing holistic support. The report outlines the need for more extensive data on the skills gap among children and young people across all age groups.

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What prompted euro’s loss of value and what’s its impact?

Experts identify two main reasons why the euro has lost value and the potential effects on the European Union. Draw Media, Al Jazeera  The euro exchange rate has been falling for months and is now at the same level as the US dollar. A year ago, one euro cost $1.20, and by the beginning of 2022, it had already plunged to $1.13. Since then, the depreciation continued and culminated in a brief parity with the US dollar on Tuesday, before dropping below $1 on Wednesday. Experts identify two main reasons why the euro has lost value, one being the soaring inflation in the euro area (EA), Sushanta Mallick, professor of international finance at Queen Mary University of London, told Al Jazeera. “The inflation in the EA averaged 8.6 percent in June with 14 small euro area economies experiencing above-average inflation up to as high as 22 percent in Estonia. Only five euro area economies are below this EA average,” he said. “This rising trend is on the back of higher energy prices due to the Russia-Ukraine conflict,” he added. Indeed, the US economy has been far less affected by the Ukraine war than Europe, which has thus far remained “somewhat immune to the volatility in oil and gas markets, given their oil reserve and use of alternative sources of energy, explaining why US dollar is appreciating relative to euro”, Mallick said. ‘Safe haven status’ Moreover, in contrast to Europe, US interest rates have been rising for several months, which makes investments in the US dollar area more attractive, according to Lucio Sarno, professor of finance at the University of Cambridge. “The increasing interest rates in the US attract further investment in dollar assets, and this is in addition to the strong demand for dollar driven by its safe haven status at times of war,” he told Al Jazeera. At the end of January, the US Federal Reserve Bank’s (FED) announcement to initiate a series of consistent and significant interest rate hikes alone caused the US dollar to gain strength. The euro, in the meantime, has lost another 10 percent of its value. Although the European Central Bank (ECB) is likely to raise its interest rates by 0.25 percent this month, the FED raised its benchmark interest rate by 0.75 in June, marking the most considerable increase in nearly 30 years. “The US is raising interest rates much more aggressively than the ECB can do now or in the near future,” said Sarno. ECB’s dilemma Moreover, while raising its interest rates might be “the first step” for the euro to recover, he said the ECB faces a financial conundrum. “The ECB is caught in the worse dilemma a central bank can face: on the one hand inflation is soaring and requires an increase in interest rates, on the other hand, the eurozone’s growth is anaemic and would benefit from low interest rates,” Sarno said. “Ultimately, the fall in the euro is making the inflation problem even worse than it already is by importing further inflation because of the weak euro; about half of imported goods in the eurozone are invoiced in dollar, so the pass-through from a weak euro to high inflation is inevitable as more euros are needed to pay for those imported goods,” he said. Consumers can hence expect even higher prices. Above all, the costs of energy and raw materials threaten to rise since for the situation to normalise “growth is needed to prevent the rising cost of living in eroding the purchasing power of individual households. Fiscal policy is the only way out,” said Mallick. The only, potential upside of a weak euro is a possible surge in demand due to the exchange rate could therefore lead to the feared economic slowdown being at least slowed down in some European countries, he added. “A weakened euro can benefit euro area exports, particularly for Germany and France. Germany was already enjoying a high current account surplus; a weaker euro should improve their competitiveness.”

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Nadhim Zahawi appointed UK finance minister

🔻Nadhim, considered the richest minister and MP in the British history 🔻He has a hand in Kurdistan oil and has accumulated a lot of wealth Draw Media British Prime Minister Boris Johnson has appointed Nadhim Zahawi as finance minister and Steve Barclay as health minister. Zahawi was the Minister of Education, and after taking over the post of Finance Minister, his place in the Ministry of Education was filled by Michelle Donelan. Al-Zahawi was born in Iraq to a Kurdish family who immigrated to Britain in 1976, served as a Conservative MP for more than 10 years and was Minister for Business and Industry and vaccines Minister, Nadhim is close friends with the Barzanis and he has involved in the Kurdistan Region's oil. Last year, the Mirror, British newspaper reported that Zahawi had earned £1.3 million from an oil company while he was a member of parliament, managing to keep the income from his second job hidden under the guise of parliamentary work. Nadhim, considered the richest minister and MP in the British history, owns more than (100 million) pounds, and has registered a number of properties in the name of his wife (Lana Saib). Dr. Dana Hama Aziz says in an article about the story of Nadhim Zahawi's wealth: “In the spring of 1991, during the Kurdistan Revolution, he and his brother-in-law Brusk Saib and Jeffrey Archer raised £57 million on behalf of the refugees, of which only £250,000 reached the refugees. In the process of raising money, Jeffrey Archer called Nadim "Kurdish lemon" and Brusk "Kurdish bean. Archer obviously got his punishment, but lemons and beans got away with it and became a millionaire.” Hama Aziz also mentions that, Zahawi is a partner of the thieves in the Kurdistan Region and part of the process of plundering Kurdistan. “For example, he owns the largest stake in the Sheikhan oil fields and is one of the participants in the process of looting oil through Turkey, so he supports Erdogan.”

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Turkey planned Syria military operation after Russian troops withdrew over Ukraine

Draw Media, Middle East Eye Turkey decided to announce it would undertake a military operation in northern Syria after Russia moved a significant number of troops out of the country due to the war in Ukraine, Turkish military sources familiar with the situation have told Middle East Eye. The sources said the timing of the decision, announced earlier this week, was also a result of Ankara’s ongoing offensive against Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) fighters in northern Iraq, where it is bidding to end PKK infiltration by sealing the last remaining land corridor between Turkey and Iraq. “The recent PKK activities to transfer fresh forces and ammunition to Iraq from Syria triggered a response," one of the military sources told MEE. "These two operations must continue simultaneously.  "This isn’t solely about Russia getting bogged down in Ukraine. There are Ankara’s own concerns and intelligence on PKK activities in Syria.”  The operation will be the fourth of its kind mounted by Ankara in northern Syria since 2016, and will be conducted with the declared purpose of combating threats to Turkey from the Islamic State (IS) group and PKK-allied Syrian Kurdish groups, as well as enabling the resettlement of internally displaced Syrians. Earlier operations - namely Euphrates Shield in 2016, Olive Branch in 2018 and Peace Spring in 2019 - saw Turkey and its Syrian allies seize border territory previously controlled by the People's Protection Units (YPG), a group that Ankara says has direct links to the PKK. Turkey and western governments, including the United States and the European Union, designate the PKK as a terrorist organization.   Strategic target The US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), of which the YPG is the spearhead, still control large swathes of northeast Syria. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said earlier this week that the military would target two key areas west of the River Euphrates.  "We are taking another step in establishing a 30km security zone along our southern border," said Erdogan on Wednesday.   "We will clean up Tal Rifaat and Manbij," he said, referring to two northern Syrian cities held by the SDF. Tal Rifaat is significant due to its strategic position, sandwiched between Turkish and Syrian government forces, and has sometimes become a point of frustration for Ankara due to repeated deadly YPG attacks from the area on Turkish positions.  “The YPG has conducted at least 100 attacks on Syrian rebel-held territories and Turkish military bases in the form of rockets, anti-tank missiles, cannon fire and multiple rocket launchers,” the military source said. The source added that capture of the Menagh airbase, which the SDF took over in 2016 with the help of Russian airstrikes, had also been an advantage for the group.  Ankara claims that since the YPG captured the area from Syrian rebels in 2016, 250,000 Syrian Arabs have fled Tal Rifaat for the Turkish-controlled Syrian city of Azaz.  “Tal Rifaat is hosting 60 percent of the clean water in the region and that alone makes it a strategic target,” the source added.  “The return of displaced locals and the management of the water resources is fundamental. It will revive agriculture and encourage returns.”    Russian withdrawal Turkish military sources say Russian forces, which had the second-largest presence in Tal Rifaat, have now largely left the area.  The source said Ankara does not expect Syrian government forces to try to repel any Turkish offensive.   “The [Turkish] military and Syrian National Army have already completed their preparations and may begin the operation at any moment,” the source added.  “Russia is finding it hard to resupply its troops in Tal Rifaat and has already abandoned some of its bases near Aleppo to Iranians.”    Other Turkish officials told MEE that Iran would be more concerned by any Turkish move into Tal Rifaat than the Russians, since Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp-allied militias are actively participating in Syrian government efforts to guard northern Aleppo.  “The Iranians don’t want Syrian rebel forces to have a presence near Aleppo,” one of the Turkish officials said.  Refugee factor The military sources said that Turkey’s bilateral deals with Russia, and specifically with the US on Manbij, had been very clear.  Since 2016, Washington has repeatedly said that it would clear YPG elements out of Manbij but has not done so.  Russia, on the other hand, is continuing to try to convince Ankara to stage an offensive in Kobane - which would provoke a much larger western outcry and possible sanctions due to its significance for the anti-IS fight.  The sources say that Turkey's military continues to evaluate the situation, and has plans laid out to seize Kobane if the political leadership deems it necessary.  The sources said that Turkish military preparations for an offensive in Tal Rifaat and Manbij had been completed, and that it could begin at any time.  Along with Tal Rifaat, Manbij would be able to host thousands of Syrian refugees currently in Turkey.  Erdogan's government has been under fire due to the presence of 3.7 million Syrian refugees in Turkey, which itself is facing increasing economic hardship.  Capitalising on increasing animosity towards Syrian refugees, opposition politicians have been promising to send them back if they are elected to government.  

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The Gulf States Can Do More in Syria

Draw: By Kamal Chomani In June 2020, former Secretary-General of the League of Arab States Amr Moussa stated that Turkey “is more dangerous to the Arab world than Iran due to its strategic capabilities.” Perhaps Mr. Mousa was fearful that Turkey would utilize its historical animosity with Iran and its regional [pre-2015] “zero-problem” doctrine toward expansionist ends. Mr. Mousa may be correct. The Arab Spring has proven to be a gift to Turkey. Turkey has used the Syrian uprising in particular to expand its regional influence in multiple ways. It has supported extremists, including the Muslim Brotherhood-linked Syrian National Council (SNC) and affiliated armed groups in Syria’s northwest and al-Qaeda and ISIS remnants like Hayat Tahrir al-Sham in Idlib. It has also directly occupied parts of the country, carrying out a strategy of forced demographic change and committing human rights violations that have been denounced by the United Nations. Gulf countries initially supported the fall of the Assad regime, hoping that this would weaken Iran. Their interests aligned with those of Turkey, which saw a weakened Iran as beneficial for its own interests and Syria’s Islamist rebels as a useful proxy to counter Kurdish aspirations. The first major Syrian opposition umbrella group, the SNC, was a Turkish-Qatari creation that included affiliates and sympathiers of the Muslim Brotherhood. This cemented Turkish-Qatari ambitions for a new Syria more closely aligned with their interests, including energy routes for Qatari gas. More than ten years later, however, this strategy has not paid off for Arab states. Qatar’s cash and Turkey’s military and logistical support for opposition armed groups benefited extremists and enabled the occupation of Syrian territory. The Syrian war has strengthened, not weakened, Iran’s position in the region. It has also given rise to a power with even wider regional ambitions: Turkey.  President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has sought a larger political and religious role for his country in the Middle East and North Africa, pursuing expansionist policies in Syria and Iraq that some have described as “neo-Ottoman.” Arab states have already changed their approach to the region to balance this influence. So far, these approaches have involved engagement with Syria’s central government. In 2018, the UAE reopened its embassy in Damascus. More recently, the country’s Foreign Minister called on states to lift sanctions on Syria and for Syria to be readmitted to the Arab League. Yet the same developments also provide an opportunity for new and mutually beneficial relationships between Arab states and another key regional actor: the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). Arabs and Kurds alike share concerns about the possibility of a militaristic and authoritarian Turkey on their borders. The geographic location and political system of the AANES, if institutionalized in a political settlement to the Syrian conflict, can counter both Erdogan’s ‘neo-Ottoman’ ambitions and Iranian influence. By supporting an autonomous North and East Syria, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and Arab League can protect Syria’s country’s unity and territorial integrity from foreign powers. The AANES’ political project will also help build unity between different religious and ethnic communities, essential for countering extremism across the region. An AANES official stressed recently that “terror, Jabhat al Nusrah, all the Islamist extremists are enemies of the SDF, YPJ, and YPG, as are they to the Arab world and the US. I can see no obstacles ahead in working together.” They also share an interest in the resolution of the Syrian conflict—which Turkey has consistently impeded. Every effort to resolve the issue in which Turkey is involved, including both the Russian-oriented Astana process and the Western-oriented Geneva process, has failed to achieve real results on the ground. By contrast, the GCC countries have already been encouraged by the Biden administration to take on a larger role in rebuilding Syria and helping restore peace and stability to the war-torn country— a task that will require billions in international aid as well as political engagement. At the same time, Kurdish and Arab officials of the AANES have begun to establish political and diplomatic contacts with Arab countries and stressed the importance of a “Kurdish-Arab alliance” for a political solution in Syria and peace in the wider Middle East. Cooperation between the AANES and Arab states can also help ensure that such a political solution does not simply involve a return to the pre-2011 status quo. Removing Assad is not the policy of Arab states, the United States, or Europe. Nor is it the policy of the AANES.  However, normalizing relations with the Assad regime without compromise or decentralization of power in Syria will be a drastic mistake. The regime’s hostilities and crimes against its people have made it unable to rebuild trust. As such, any renewed support for the Syrian state from the GCC and Arab League is likely to be conditional. By working with the AANES and the SDF, as well as civil society organizations, these states can help create an alternative to dictatorship in Syria. AANES officials have called on the GCC and the Arab League—especially Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt—to help them negotiate with other Syrian factions, including the Syrian government. This is an opportunity that can benefit all sides, and should be taken advantage of by all parties. Cooperation along these lines can help with more immediate security concerns in the short term as well. There are still 60,000 ISIS families in the Al-Hawl camp, representing 58 countries. Arab states can help resolve this issue by supporting a unified policy response. With the US relaxing sanctions on North and East Syria, these states can offer much needed investment to drive the economic recovery needed to help the region recover from ISIS and stop the terror group’s ability to recruit. To make this a reality, the AANES should strengthen its relationships with Arab countries. These ties exist, but they are still in their early stages. Meetings between AANES officials and Arab League member states, as well as unofficial meetings with Saudi Arabia and other GCC countries, have not resulted in practical policy changes so far. GCC countries should also abandon their support for jihadist groups— a policy that has always backfired and destabilized the region. The new leadership of the GCC countries may well understand that their oil-rich countries must address the demands of their youth, diversify their economies, and push for more democratic policies. This should go hand in hand with a more open and democratic approach to the other peoples of the Middle East–including Syrian Kurds. The United States has helped both sides build these relationships by supporting the SDF and cementing a multi-ethnic military alliance. It should work to bring the AANES and Arab states together to help consolidate the gains of the campaign against ISIS and bring Syria’s conflicts to an end by encouraging both sides to engage in dialogue. Kurdish-Arab cooperation has secured North and East Syria and ensured the defeat of ISIS. This success story should be promoted and supported before Erdogan and Assad can undermine it—as both have tried to do.

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Big Oil Spends on Investors, Not Output, Prolonging Crude Crunch

By Kevin Crowley and Laura Hurst Big Oil is raking in historic amounts of cash, but the windfall isn’t being invested in new production to help displace Russian oil and gas. Instead, executives are rewarding shareholders -- setting the world up for an even tighter energy market in the years ahead. The West’s five biggest oil companies together earned $36.6 billion over and above their spending in the first quarter, or about $400 million in spare cash a day. It was the second-highest quarterly free cash flow on record and enough to relegate billions of dollars of Russia-related writedowns to mere footnotes in their recent earnings reports. Oil booms typically spark a chase for higher production -- but not this time. All five supermajors have kept their capital expenditure budgets firmly in check and pledged that this discipline will hold in future years -- even as oil prices have closed above $100 a barrel on all but five days since Russia invaded Ukraine in February. With wells naturally declining in production every year and large projects taking half a decade or more to come online, any expansion lag happening now will push the possibility of new production even further into the future. “In prior cycles of high oil prices, the majors would be investing heavily in long-cycle deepwater projects that wouldn’t see production for many years,” said Noah Barrett, lead energy analyst at Janus Henderson, which manages $361 billion. “Those type of projects are just off the table right now.” In short, if consumers are looking for Big Oil to replace Russian production with any urgency, they better look elsewhere.  The last time crude was consistently over $100 a barrel in 2013, Big Oil’s combined capital expenditure was $158.7 billion, almost double what the companies are currently spending, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. The group includes Shell Plc, TotalEnergies SE, BP Plc, Exxon Mobil Corp. and Chevron Corp.  “Discipline is the order of the day,” BP Chief Executive Officer Bernard Looney told analysts Tuesday. The London-based major isn’t budging on its $14 billion to $15 billion spending plans for the year, with its mid-term guidance creeping up to a maximum of $16 billion despite 10% cost inflation in some parts of its business. Shell, which posted record profits that exceeded even the highest analyst estimate, was equally clear. In her first set of results as chief financial officer, Sinead Gorman repeated time and time again that Shell would keep within its $23 billion to $27 billion range. “Nothing has changed in terms of our capital allocation framework,” she said.  Instead of spending on new projects, companies are opting to reward shareholders after years of poor returns. Exxon, BP and TotalEnergies increased share buybacks while Chevron is already repurchasing record amounts of stock.  There are clear reasons why Big Oil is choosing not to spend more. Chief among them are climate concerns and uncertainty over the future direction of oil demand. Years of pressure from investors, politicians and climate activists came to a head in the past two years, when all the oil majors pledged some form of net zero target by mid-century. BP and Shell actively positioned themselves to move away from oil and gas over the long-term. All are under added pressure to improve returns that dwindled over the past decade due to cost blowouts and low prices.  “Any decision to increase, support or add-in new fossil projects today could see returns risk within a few years,” said Banco Santander SA analyst Jason Kenney. Climate change, technology developments like electric cars and rapidly evolving government policy on emissions are major risks today when deciding whether to invest billions in a new project, he said. Against that backdrop, investment in the upstream oil and gas sector slumped 30% in 2020, while last year’s spend of $341 billion was 23% below pre-pandemic levels, the International Energy Forum wrote in a report.  “Two years in a row of large and abrupt underinvestment in oil and gas development is a recipe for higher prices and volatility later this decade,” warned Joseph McMonigle, Secretary General of the IEF. That message has not gone down well with consumers around the globe. From Pakistan to Paris, billions of people are suffering a cost-of-living crisis fueled in large part by high energy costs. In the U.S., President Joe Biden has implored oil companies to reinvest profits from surging oil prices into more production to help ease the shortages caused by Russia’s war against Ukraine. Some U.S. and European politicians have called for a windfall tax on companies’ profits to help ease the burden on consumers. To be fair, that doesn’t mean companies aren’t investing in growth at all. But they will “focus only on low risk, high return assets” such as shale or expanding offshore fields near existing operations, according to Kenney.  Exxon and Chevron, for instance, are spending aggressively to grow production in the U.S.’s Permian Basin, the world largest shale oil region, with planned growth rates of 25% and 15%, respectively. BP is boosting investment in U.S. shale, but the company won’t be able to ramp up Permian production until it finishes building two large gathering systems at the end of the year. However, most Permian growth will largely offset declines from elsewhere in the U.S. supermajors’ global portfolio, rather than adding to total barrels. Exxon’s first quarter production of 3.7 million barrels per day was the lowest since its merger with Mobil in the late 1990s. Together Exxon and Chevron plan to spend more on buybacks and dividends this year than they do on production.  “For so long the industry has been told by investors and politicians we need less oil and executives remember that,” said Barrett of Janus Henderson. “If the world needs an extra million barrels a day to ease prices, I’m not sure where it will come from.”   

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France in Front of Two Options

Draw: BBC French voters are heading to the polls to decide whether to give centrist Emmanuel Macron five more years as president or replace him with far-right candidate Marine Le Pen. After a divisive election campaign, Ms Le Pen faces an uphill battle with her 44-year-old opponent polling ahead. In order to win they both need to attract voters who backed other candidates in the first round. But these are two polarizing figures in France and abstention is a key factor. Mr. Macron's detractors call him arrogant and a president of the rich, while the far-right leader has been accused of having ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Some 48.7 million people are eligible to take part and by midday (10:00 GMT) turnout was down on five years ago at 26.4%, but not as low as in the first round two weeks ago. First projections of who has won will come at 20:00. Marine Le Pen was first of the two candidates to vote, which she did in her stronghold in Hénin-Beaumont. As she arrived, she sheltered a baby boy from the sun and told him: "I will protect you." Mr Macron voted later in the northern resort of Le Touquet alongside his wife, Brigitte. He rose to power on a whirlwind promise of change, but many complain they are yet to see it. His presidency has been buffeted by protests, the Covid pandemic and now the rising cost of living. Marine Le Pen, meanwhile, has learned from the mistakes she made when she was resoundingly beaten by the same opponent in the second round in 2017. This is her third tilt at the presidency and if she fails it could be her last.   The great unknown in this election is how many voters will refuse to back either candidate, whether by casting a blank ballot or not turning out at all. Much of France is on holiday and turnout in parts of Paris appeared to be lower than usual. The campaign has been short but the choice for voters is clear, between a pro-European sitting president and a nationalist candidate who seeks to ban the headscarf and restrict immigration. Whatever the result, Mr Macron will address voters on Sunday evening from a stage at the foot of the Eiffel Tower. 'This place is dead after 7pm' The rising cost of living - described in France as pouvoir d'achat or spending power - has become the number one issue for French voters and Marine Le Pen has promised voters an immediate onslaught on it if she wins. She has fared particularly well in the smaller towns and rural areas that have struggled economically during the Macron era. She came top two weeks ago in La Ferté-sous-Jouarre, a pretty town on the River Marne an hour east of Paris. Sitting outside a bar, Cécile says the pandemic hit the area particularly hard: "Before Covid there was a bar here called Avenue de Champagne, but that shut and now the place is dead after 7pm."   She will vote Le Pen as will Fred, who works on the Paris metro network: "People can't afford to pay for gas and electricity. When I'm in Paris some things are too expensive and you have to eat." African immigrants he knows in the capital also say they will vote for her, he adds. There are plenty of shy Le Pen voters here too. France needs to change, they say, and they leave it at that. She has carefully moderated her views, but still plans a referendum on strict immigration controls and her idea for a "Europe of nations" would tear the EU apart. Jean-Claude, 66, may not agree with her hostility to the EU, but he complains too many people take advantage of France's welfare system and take drugs.   Le Pen and Putin Across France Emmanuel Macron is particularly popular with younger and older voters, and that is the case in La Ferté too. Apprentice accountant Séréna, 18, is worried about the war in Ukraine: "We don't really know what Le Pen feels about Putin. Changing president would destabilise the situation now." Nicole, 76, runs a library in a nearby village and she has noticed many people turning to the far right. "I'm not so worried about her, more about the people behind her - her lieutenants." Ms Le Pen fares less well in the big cities, like Paris and Lyon, where her opponent led in the second round. But what could decide this election is who secures the support of almost 22% of the electorate who voted for far-left candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon. He was narrowly beaten by Marine Le Pen but won in cities including Marseille and Nantes.   The town of Trappes, to the south-west of Paris, is a Mélenchon stronghold where Le Pen voters are in short supply. Outside the local shops, a woman in a hijab condemns the far-right's policies as racist. "I'm going to vote blank," she says. It's a popular idea that is seen as a protest vote that benefits neither candidate. On reflection she adds she might back Mr Macron, or even not vote at all. Many Mélenchon voters here appear undecided. Outside a nursery school, Murad says he might vote blank too. "Macron is more for the rich than the poor," he says, before adding that he could still vote for him. Unemployment may be down and purchasing power may be higher than in 2017, but many voters on the left are disillusioned with the sitting president for cutting housing aid to millions of low earners and abolishing a wealth tax that targeted millionaires. When Emmanuel Macron swept to power, it was on the promise of change. But a remark you hear everywhere is that nothing has changed at all. If the opinion polls are accurate and he does win, he will not face an easy second term.  

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Labour MP’s aide paid £400,000 by oil firms linked to Kurdistan

The Telegraph, By Mason Boycott-Owen An MP’s aide has been paid £400,000 by oil companies linked to a regime accused of human rights abuses, amid concerns over foreign influence in Parliament, The Telegraph can reveal. Gary Kent has been paid by Kurdistani oil and construction companies as he and the MP he works for promoted the region’s interests in Parliament. The aide still works for Mary Glindon, the Labour MP and whip, and is also the secretary of the Kurdistan Region in Iraq All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG). He has highlighted how the APPG has helped shape select committee reports and MPs’ speeches, as well as how it has secured a government trade mission to the country. Mr Kent has also described how the group has taken more than 50 UK parliamentarians to the region over the last decades, some "several times". Annual salary of £57,000 from Kar Group Transparency documents show that between 2015 and last year, Mr Kent had been paid by a number of different oil and construction companies with close links to the Kurdistan Regional Government. He had been paid an annual salary of £57,000 by Kar Group and other companies in the region, but it is understood he now runs the APPG in a voluntary capacity Kar Group, a Kurdistani oil and construction company, has reportedly close links to the region’s government. Local media has reported that Baz Karim, the company’s president and chief executive, is a trusted adviser of Masrur Barzani, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s prime minister. Last year, Amnesty International said Kurdistani authorities had "ruthlessly cracked down on journalists, activists and protesters exercising their right to freedom of expression, including by arbitrarily arresting and forcibly disappearing them". Alistair Graham, the former chairman of the Committee on Standards in Public Life, questioned whether it had been appropriate for foreign companies to pay salaries to parliamentary staffers. 'Very odd affair' Mr Graham told The Telegraph: "It’s a very odd affair. Who is he accountable to, the MP or the Kurdistan government? "It’s a backdoor way of lobbying. I’m strongly opposed to such arrangements because there is a lack of accountability. "It is an unacceptable way of getting access to Parliament to pressure their own commercial interests." But Ms Glindon defended the work of the APPG, saying it had "done much to build bilateral relations with a vital ally" and that all of the donations were within Parliamentary rules. Sponsorship for APPG delegations since 2008 and funding of the secretariat from 2014 to 2021 were declared, in full, to the parliamentary authorities," she said. "Advisers advise but MPs decide. The APPG is run by MPs and is seen by many as having done much to build bilateral relations with a vital ally. "It has urged economic and political reform in the Kurdistan Region, of which it has been supportive where possible and critical where necessary, as an independent cross-party group, chaired by senior Labour and Conservative MPs." Mr Kent declined to comment. Spotlight on lobbying by overseas governments Lobbying and attempts to shape political decision-making by foreign governments has come under the spotlight in recent months. Barry Gardiner, a Labour MP, faced criticism after employing the son of an alleged Chinese spy in his office. Mr Gardiner rejected any suggestion of impropriety. Sir Lindsay Hoyle, the House of Commons Speaker, has indicated he will crack down on foreign lobbying in Parliament. All-party parliamentary groups are set up by MPs to pursue specific interest areas. Often they receive funding from outside groups, raising questions about their roles in parliamentary discussions. The Telegraph has found that dozens of parliamentary staff have had their salaries funded by outside bodies. Some are charities or philanthropic bodies, but others have been companies. Mr Kent described the work of the APPG in a post on its website and in interviews. "We helped put Kurdistan on the map by persuading Top Gear to film a programme in Kurdistan, which reached millions," Mr Kent said in 2018. Mr Kent is currently listed as director of policy at the University of Kurdistan Hewler in Parliamentary transparency documents. The university last year appointed Bill Rammell, a former Labour foreign office and education minister, as its new president. Since 2014, Ms Glindon has spoken eight times in Parliament, submitted eight questions and proposed nine motions to the Commons specifically regarding Kurdistan, including on topics such as the supply of machine guns and ammunition supplies from the UK. In 2018, Ms Glindon called on the House to welcome a deal between Baghdad and Kurdistan for an oil pipeline to export tens of thousands barrels of oil a day and "restore billions of dollars of lost revenue" to the region. Steve Goodrich, head of research and investigations at Transparency International UK, said: "It’s particularly worrying when foreign governments are closely linked to the day-to-day running of APPGs, as this can give rise to the perception – or reality – that the group has been captured by private interests. "In order to avoid the next big lobbying scandal, there should be much greater openness and accountability over how APPGs are run.

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France just seized a superyacht owned by the chief executive of Rosneft company

“Thank you to the French customs officers who enforce the sanctions of the European Union against those close to the Russian authorities,” France’s Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire wrote in a tweet. The yacht belonged to Igor Sechin​​—chief executive of Russian oil producer Rosneft, who has been previously dubbed “Darth Vader” by Russian media. It was seized as it tried to leave the Mediterranean port of La Ciotat in a breach of European Union sanctions on Russian oligarchs, Reuters reported. The yacht, Amore Vero, is estimated to be worth $120 million, according to the website SuperYachtFan.com, and allegedly houses a swimming pool that turns into a helipad, as well as multiple decks including one with a Jacuzzi. The seizure of the Amore Vero comes as Western nations are rapidly enforcing severe sanctions against Russia’s wealthy elite, including asset freezes and the confiscation of status symbols like yachts and jets, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Sechin was at the very top of a list, published Feb. 28 by the European Union, of Russian oligarchs who would be subject to sanctions. He is one of President Vladimir Putin’s most trusted and closest advisers, as well as his personal friend, according to the EU, which called Sechin’s connections to Putin “long and deep.” Sechin’s net worth is unknown, but in 2015 Reuters reported that he was earning a minimum of $295,000 to $390,000 per month as chief of Rosneft. Sechin was previously sanctioned by the U.S. in 2014, according to the U.S. Treasury Department. He said he considered the move an endorsement of his effectiveness at Rosneft, according to the Wall Street Journal. Sechin did not immediately reply to Fortune’s request for comment. Sechin is not the only member of the Russian elite who got a yacht seized this week. In a separate incident, German authorities seized a $594 million luxury yacht—the world’s largest by volume—owned by Russian billionaire Alisher Usmanov, on Wednesday. Usmanov has a net worth of $14.2 billion, according to Forbes. Usmanov was identified by the EU last month as “one of Vladimir Putin’s favorite oligarchs.” President Biden vowed in his speech on Feb. 24 that the U.S. would make sure people who personally gained from the Kremlin’s policies “share in the pain.” And so far, the Russian elite in Putin’s inner circle have started to feel the effects of European sanctions, one yacht at a time.

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“Europe can no longer remain reliant on Kremlin gas”

“Our way of life is worth defending. It is worth the cost. For the next generation, for all those in Ukraine and around the world who believe in Europe. For all those who want to be free.” Addressing the extraordinary Plenary Session of the European Parliament on “Russian aggression against Ukraine”, European Parliament President Roberta Metsola set our four important principles for the future of the European Union. First, Europe can no longer remain reliant on Kremlin gas. “We need to re-double our efforts to diversify our energy systems towards a Europe that is no longer at the behest of autocrats. This will put our energy security on stronger footing.” Secondly, President Metsola said that Europe can no longer welcome Kremlin cash and pretend there are no strings attached. “Putin’s oligarchs and those who bankroll him should no longer be able to use their purchasing power to hide behind a veneer of respectability, in our cities, communities or our sports clubs.” Thirdly, investment in our defense must match our rhetoric. President Metsola emphasized that “Europe must move to have real security and defense Union. We have shown the last week that it is possible and desirable, and more than anything it is necessary.” Fourthly, President Metsola spoke about the importance of fighting the Kremlin’s disinformation campaign. “I call on social media and tech conglomerates to take their responsibility seriously and to understand that there is no being neutral between the fire and the fire brigade. Thanking Ukrainian President Zelenskyy for showing the world what it means to stand up, President Metsola said that the European Parliament recognizes Ukraine’s European perspective. “As our Resolution clearly states, we welcome Ukraine’s application for candidate status and we will work towards that goal. We must face the future together.” In her speech, President Metsola also announced that having a long, proud history of being a thorn in the side of autocrats, the European Parliament will seek a ban on any representative of the Kremlin from entering its premises. “Aggressors and warmongers have no place in the House of democracy.”    

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“Rosneft finances the cost of the Russian war in Ukraine"

Draw Media The Russian company Rosneft, which works at 6 of the Kurdistan region's oil farms and owns 60 percent of the Kurdistan Region's oil pipeline, is accused of financing the cost of the Russian war in Ukraine. The British Petroleum Company, a British group known as BP, announced its withdrawal from its 19.75% stake in the Russian company, Rosneft. BP accuses Rosneft of financing the war: “Rosneft finances the cost of the Russian war in Ukraine, and as a protest against the war, we are pulling out of our partnership with this company." Bernard Looney resigned from the board of Rosneft with immediate effect. “The Ukrainian war has led us to reconsider our work with Rosneft," (BP) chief executive officer Bernard Looney said in a statement. The decision of some global oil companies has shown an effect on Russia’s economy, particularly the Shell Company, which owns 27.5% of (Gazprom’s Sakhalin II), and Exon Mobil, which has been dealing with Russian companies belonging to the Rosneft Group for 25 years. Another company, Glinkur, owns 11 percent of the Russian energy company AN+, along with several other companies that work with Russia. The Suspension of British BP with Russian Rosneft comes after the western allies-imposed sanctions on Russia over Russia's attack on Ukraine. Including the expulsion of some Russian banks into the Swift system of international financial exchange. This poses a major risk to the Russian company’s work.   Rosneft in The Kurdistan Region The Russian company Rosneft owns 60% of the Kurdistan region's oil pipeline shares (the part of the pipeline that is inside the region's territory on Turkey’s border). In addition, the company is searching for oil in 6 Kurdistan fields, which are located on the Erbil-Duhok border, including: • Bartla • Zaweta • Harir • Bejil • Qasrook • Daratu      

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Russia’s war in Ukraine: complete guide in maps, video and pictures

Draw Media: theguardian: by Andrew Roth, Dan Sabbagh, Paul Scruton, Harvey Symons, Finbarr Sheehy, Glenn Swann and Niels de Hoog What is the latest? Russian forces have reached the outskirts of Kyiv and carried out an amphibious assault from the Sea of Azov near Mariupol, a day after attacking Ukraine from three sides on a massive scale. In the capital air raid sirens wailed and heavy gunfire and explosions were heard in a number of districts, as Russian military vehicles approached from the north-west. The defence ministry in Moscow claimed its forces had taken control of the strategic Hostomel airfield to the north-west after a day of fighting. Pressure was also intensifying around Chernihiv, about 90 miles (145km) north-east of Kyiv, Ukraine’s military said, with Russian forces trying to bypass the city and head to the capital down the E95 road to Kozelec and ultimately Kyiv’s eastern suburbs. Further east, about 125 miles from the capital, the city of Konotop was lost to Russian forces. According to the Pentagon, 10 amphibious landing ships unloaded thousands of naval infantry to the west of Mariupol, potentially cutting off the port city on the Sea of Asov. Fighting was reported to be continuing around Kherson on the Dnieper River and in Melitopol. Elsewhere, Ukraine’s forces were believed to be holding firm in the eastern Donbas region, while the eastern city of Kharkiv, which has a population of more than 1 million, was gradually being surrounded. What happened on Thursday? Russia attacked Ukraine along multiple axes, bringing to a calamitous end weeks of fruitless diplomatic efforts by western leaders to avert war. Fighting and other military activity took place around and on the way to Kyiv, including an ambitious attack by helicopters on the Hostomel military airbase. Ukraine lost control of the Chernobyl nuclear site in the north, where fighting raged after Russian troops crossed the border from Belarus. One Russian line came through the Senkivka border crossing near Chernihiv. Tanks seen moving into Ukraine across the Senkivka border on 24 February. Photograph: Ukraine border guard A substantial attack was also aimed towards the eastern city of Kharkiv. Russian forces also headed north and east from Crimea. Social media footage showed them reaching Kherson on the Dnieper, 80 miles (130km) inside Ukraine. How did we get here? Over the past few months Russia has forward-deployed hundreds of tanks, self-propelled artillery and even short-range ballistic missiles from as far away as Siberia to within striking range of Ukraine. Moscow’s rhetoric also grew more belligerent. Vladimir Putin demanded legal guarantees that Ukraine would never join Nato or host its missile strike systems, concessions he was unlikely to receive. A flurry of diplomatic activity did little to ease tensions. The second half of February was long seen as the most likely period for a potential offensive. Russian soldiers stayed on in Belarus beyond the end of planned military exercises, and the Winter Olympics, hosted by ally China, concluded. The invasion was preceded on 22 February by Putin saying Russia would recognise the territorial claims of its two proxy states in east Ukraine. He had already ordered his forces into Russian-controlled territory in Ukraine. On 22 February a Reuters witness saw columns of military vehicles including tanks and armoured personnel carriers (APCs) on the outskirts of Donetsk, the capital of one of the territories claimed by Russia. What do we know about Russia’s deployments? Scores of battalion tactical groups – the smallest operational unit in Moscow’s army, consisting of about 800-1,000 troops – were put in place near the borders of Ukraine in both Russia and latterly Belarus prior to the invasion. As of 18 February the US estimated that Russia had between 169,000 and 190,000 personnel in and around Ukraine. An estimated 32,000 separatist forces were already operating in the breakaway areas of Donetsk and Luhansk – some of whom were likely to be unacknowledged Russian forces – before the invasion. Many of the heavy weapons stationed near Ukraine arrived as far back as spring 2021. Over the new year Russia also began to move tanks, artillery, air defence systems and fighter jets to Belarus for joint exercises in February. That deployment has since grown. Deployments at Zyabrovka (AKA Pribytki) airfield in Gomel, Belarus, 15 miles (25km) from the border with Ukraine, on 10 February. Photograph: Maxar Technologies/Reuters Half of Russia’s air force is now deployed near Ukraine, according to western estimates. Russian warships conducted training exercises in the Black Sea in the run-up to the invasion. This footage released by the Russian defence ministry shows a Ka-27PS helicopter taking off and landing on the deck of a frigate during exercises on 22 February. These satellite image composites show the buildup of troops in Yelnya and Pogonovo over the new year. Satellite photographs also show increased deployments in Novoozernoye in western Crimea. The US estimates 10,000 troops moved into Crimea in late January and early February. This image from 18 February shows deployments including armour, helicopters and field hospitals in Novoozernoye:  Photograph: EyePress News/Rex/Shutterstock Satellite images taken on 20 February showed troops and equipment being moved from holding areas to what the UK defence secretary described as potential launch locations. How do the militaries compare? Russia’s invasion pits the Kremlin’s large, recently modernised military against an adversary largely using older versions of the same or similar equipment, dating back to the Soviet era. Russia has significant numerical advantages on land and in particular in air and at sea, although the Ukrainians are defending their homeland. What is the historical context? In 2014 Putin sent troops to annex Crimea, a mainly Russian-speaking region of Ukraine. Russia also incited a separatist uprising in Ukraine’s south-east, clandestinely sending soldiers and weapons to provoke a conflict that grew into a full-blown war. A 2015 peace deal established a line of demarcation and called on both sides to make concessions. Since then low-level fighting has continued along the front, and both sides have accused the other of violating the agreement. Going back further, Russia has long opposed any attempts by Ukraine to move towards the EU and Nato. One of Putin’s often repeated demands is a guarantee that Ukraine never joins Nato, the alliance of 30 countries that has expanded eastwards since the end of the cold war. What is the role of Nord Stream 2? On 22 February, the German chancellor, Olaf Scholz, stopped the certification process for the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline in response to Russia’s recognition of the two self-proclaimed republics. First announced in 2015, the $11bn (£8.3bn) pipeline owned by Russia’s state-backed energy company Gazprom has been built to carry gas from western Siberia to Lubmin in Germany’s north-east, doubling the existing capacity of the Nord Stream 1 pipeline and keeping 26m German homes warm at an affordable price. Europe’s most divisive energy project, Nord Stream 2 bypasses the traditional gas transit nation of Ukraine by running along the bed of the Baltic Sea. It has faced resistance within the EU, and from the US as well as Ukraine, on the grounds that it increases Europe’s energy dependence on Russia, denies Ukraine transit fees and makes it more vulnerable to Russian invasion. … we have a small favour to ask. Millions are turning to the Guardian for open, independent, quality news every day, and readers in 180 countries around the world now support us financially. We believe everyone deserves access to information that’s grounded in science and truth, and analysis rooted in authority and integrity. That’s why we made a different choice: to keep our reporting open for all readers, regardless of where they live or what they can afford to pay. This means more people can be better informed, united, and inspired to take meaningful action. In these perilous times, a truth-seeking global news organisation like the Guardian is essential. We have no shareholders or billionaire owner, meaning our journalism is free from commercial and political influence – this makes us different. When it’s never been more important, our independence allows us to fearlessly investigate, challenge and expose those in power. Support the Guardian from as little as $1 – it only takes a minute. If you can, please consider supporting us with a regular amount each month. Thank you.  

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Vast Leak Exposes How Credit Suisse Served Strongmen and Spies

By Jesse Drucker and Ben Hubbard Leaked data on more than 18,000 accounts shows that the Swiss bank missed or ignored red flags. The client rosters of Swiss banks are among the world’s most closely guarded secrets, protecting the identities of some of the planet’s richest people and clues into how they accumulated their fortunes. Now, an extraordinary leak of data from Credit Suisse, one of the world’s most iconic banks, is exposing how the bank held hundreds of millions of dollars for heads of state, intelligence officials, sanctioned businessmen and human rights abusers, among many others. A self-described whistle-blower leaked data on more than 18,000 bank accounts, collectively holding more than $100 billion, to the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung. The newspaper shared the data with a nonprofit journalism group, the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, and 46 other news organizations around the world, including The New York Times. The data covers accounts that were open from the 1940s until well into the 2010s but not the bank’s current operations. Among the people listed as holding amounts worth millions of dollars in Credit Suisse accounts were King Abdullah II of Jordan and the two sons of the former Egyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak. Other account holders included sons of a Pakistani intelligence chief who helped funnel billions of dollars from the United States and other countries to the mujahedeen in Afghanistan in the 1980s and Venezuelan officials ensnared in a long-running corruption scandal. The leak shows that Credit Suisse opened accounts for and continued to serve not only the ultrawealthy but also people whose problematic backgrounds would have been obvious to anyone who ran their names through a search engine. Swiss banks have long faced legal prohibitions on taking money linked to criminal activity, said Daniel Thelesklaf, the former head of Switzerland’s anti-money laundering agency. But, he said, the law generally hasn’t been enforced. Candice Sun, a spokeswoman for the bank, said in a statement that “Credit Suisse strongly rejects the allegations and inferences about the bank’s purported business practices.” She said many of the accounts in the leak date back decades to “a time where laws, practices and expectations of financial institutions were very different from where they are now.”     Ms. Sun said that while Credit Suisse can’t comment on specific clients, many of the accounts identified in the leaked database have already been closed. “Of the remaining active accounts, we are comfortable that appropriate due diligence, reviews and other control related steps were taken, including pending account closures,” she said. The leak follows the so-called Panama Papers in 2016, the Paradise Papers in 2017 and the Pandora Papers last year. They all shed light on the secretive workings of banks, law firms and offshore financial-services providers that allow wealthy people and institutions — including those accused of crimes — to move huge sums of money, largely outside the purview of tax collectors or law enforcement. The new disclosures are likely to intensify legal and political scrutiny of the Swiss banking industry and, in particular, Credit Suisse. The bank is already reeling from the abrupt ousters of its two top executives. With its ironclad bank-secrecy laws, Switzerland has long been a haven for people who are looking to hide money. In the past decade, that has made the country’s largest banks — especially its two giants, Credit Suisse and UBS — a target for the authorities in the United States and elsewhere who are trying to crack down on tax evasion, money laundering and other crimes. In 2014, Credit Suisse pleaded guilty to conspiring to help Americans file false tax returns and agreed to pay fines, penalties and restitution totaling $2.6 billion. Three years later, the bank paid the Justice Department $5.3 billion to settle allegations about its marketing of mortgage-backed securities. Last fall, it agreed to pay $475 million to U.S. and British authorities to resolve an investigation into a kickback and bribery scheme in Mozambique. And this month, a trial got underway in Switzerland in which Credit Suisse is accused of allowing drug traffickers to launder millions of euros through the bank.   The Justice Department and the Senate Finance Committee are also looking into whether U.S. citizens continue to hold undeclared accounts at the bank. Several former Credit Suisse employees told federal prosecutors late last year that the bank continued to hide hundreds of millions of dollars for clients long after its 2014 guilty plea, according to a whistle-blower lawsuit filed last year by a former bank official and a lawyer for other former employees. (The suit was dismissed after the Justice Department said it “threatens to interfere with ongoing discussions with Credit Suisse” about dealing with Swiss bank accounts held by U.S. citizens.) The media consortium has nicknamed the latest leak “Suisse Secrets.” Of the more than 18,000 bank accounts involved, roughly 100 U.S. citizens held accounts, but none are public figures. Among the biggest revelations is that Credit Suisse continued to do business with customers even after bank officials flagged suspicious activity involving their finances. One account holder was Venezuela’s former vice minister of energy, Nervis Villalobos. Employees in Credit Suisse’s compliance department had reason to be wary of doing business with him. The bank had a 2008 report by an outside due-diligence firm detailing corruption allegations involving Mr. Villalobos and Venezuela’s state-owned oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela, according to a Spanish police report obtained by the media consortium. (The Times reviewed the report.) Credit Suisse nonetheless opened an account for him in 2011, the leaked bank data shows. The account, which was closed in 2013, held as much as $10 million. Lawyers for Mr. Villalobos, who was criminally charged by the Justice Department in 2017, didn’t respond to requests for comment.   All told, there were 25 Credit Suisse accounts, containing a total of about $270 million, that belonged to people accused of being involved in a wide-ranging conspiracy surrounding Venezuela’s oil company. The accounts remained open after the scandal started to become public, but were closed by the time criminal charges were filed. The bank also kept accounts open for a Zimbabwean businessman who was sanctioned by U.S. and European authorities for his ties to the government of the country’s longtime president, Robert Mugabe. The accounts stayed open for several months after the sanctions were imposed. The leaked bank information included many accounts linked to government officials across the Middle East and beyond. The data raises questions about how public officials and their relatives accumulated vast fortunes in a region rife with corruption.   . The sons of former President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Alaa and Gamal Mubarak, held a total of six accounts at various points, including one in 2003 that was worth $196 million. In a statement to The New York Times, the Mubaraks’ lawyers declined to comment about specific accounts but said the suggestion that any of the Mubaraks’ assets had been “tainted by any illegality or a result of any favoritism or use of influence” would be “both unfounded and defamatory.” Any assets they held, the statement said, were from their “successful professional business activities.” " King Abdullah II of Jordan, one of the few officials in the leaks who remains in power, had six accounts, including one whose balance exceeded $224 million. Jordan’s Royal Hashemite Court said in a statement that there had been no “unlawful or improper conduct” in relation to the bank accounts. They held portions of the king’s private wealth, which was used for personal expenses, royal projects to help Jordanians and the maintenance of Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem, of which he is the custodian. Senior intelligence officials and their offspring from several countries that cooperated with the United States in the war on terrorism also had money stashed at Credit Suisse. As the head of the Pakistani intelligence agency, General Akhtar Abdur Rahman Khan helped funnel billions of dollars in cash and other aid from the United States and other countries to the mujahedeen in Afghanistan to support their fight against the Soviet Union. In 1985, the same year President Ronald Reagan called for more oversight of the aid going into Afghanistan, an account was opened in the name of three of General Khan’s sons. (The general never faced charges of stealing aid money.) Years later, the account would grow to hold $3.7 million, the leaked records show. Two of the general’s sons, Akbar and Haroon Khan, did not respond to requests for comment from the reporting project. In a text message, a third son, Ghazi Khan, called information about the accounts “not correct,” adding, “The content is conjectural.”   In 2003, the year that the United States invaded Iraq to topple Saddam Hussein, Saad Kheir, the head of Jordan’s intelligence agency, opened an account that would eventually hold $21.6 million. The account was closed after Mr. Kheir’s death in 2009. The family of Mr. Mubarak’s long-serving and brutal spymaster, Omar Suleiman, had an account, too. Mr. Suleiman died in 2012. Efforts by the reporting project to reach his family were unsuccessful. The leaked records were provided to Germany’s Süddeutsche Zeitung more than a year ago by an unidentified whistle-blower. Of the dozens of news organizations collaborating on the project, none were based in Switzerland, where a 2015 law restricted journalists from writing articles based on internal bank data. The whistle-blower said in a statement to the media consortium that Swiss bank-secrecy laws were “immoral.” “The pretext of protecting financial privacy is merely a fig leaf covering the shameful role of Swiss banks as collaborators of tax evaders,” the whistle-blower said.  

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